On the Social Situation of Adorno’s Critical Music Theory

Article from Margin Notes 1

If I prefer to write about music that is because I have all the mediating categories at my disposal.

—Adorno, Toward a New Manifesto

Social reflection on aesthetics habitually neglects the concept of productive force[s].

—Adorno, Aesthetic Theory

Dialectics is the quest to see the new in the old instead of just the old in the new.

—Adorno, Against Epistemology

The goal of revolution is the elimination of fear. This is why we need not fear the former, and need not ontologize the latter.

—Adorno, Letter to Benjamin, March 18, 1936

Let us begin where one rarely does with Adorno, at the frontlines of direct proletarian action. And let us begin not simply with such worker militancy but with the validation of music for the sake thereof, since to begin in this way shifts everything, every scandalous watchword and inversion of emphasis from the formative to the late writings. Here, then, are two retrospectively odd passages from the early 1930s. In “On the Social Situation of Music,” which appeared in the first issue of the Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung in 1932, Adorno writes the following qualification with respect to his analysis of the shortcomings of the Gemeinshaftmusik produced by his old friend, collaborator, and rival Hanns Eisler:

The agitatory value and therewith political correctness of proletarian communal music, for example, the choruses of Hanns Eisler, is beyond question, and only utopian-idealistic thinking could demand in its place a music internally suited to the function of the proletariat, but incomprehensible to the proletariat. However, as soon as music retreats from the front of direct action, where it grows reflective and establishes itself as an artistic form, it is obvious that the structures produced cannot hold their own against progressive bourgeois production, but rather take the form of a questionable mixture of refuse from antiquated inner-bourgeois stylistic forms, including even those of petit bourgeois choral literature and from the remains of progressive ‘new’ music. Through this mixture the acuteness of the attack and the coherence [Bündigkeit: the organization] of every technical formulation is lost….It is, nevertheless, worthy of notice that in the figure of the proletarian composer most consequent for the present, Eisler, the Schoenberg School, from which he came forth, comes into contact with efforts seemingly contrary to the School itself. If this contact is to be fruitful, it must find dialectical employment: this music must intervene actively in consciousness through its own forms and not take instructions from the passive, one-sided position of the consciousness of the user—including the proletariat.Theodor W. Adorno, "On the Social Situation of Music," in *Essays on Music*, ed. Richard Leppert (Berkeley: University California Press, 2002), 411. "Coherence," which appears in the standard translation, is probably not the best rendering of *Bündigkeit*. But "concision" or "precision" is not exactly felicitous either. What is meant will become clearer below.

Adorno similarly sings the praises of “political action” and the musical activity therein in the opening paragraph of his aphoristic essay “Music in the Background,” written around 1934:

In our immediate life there is no longer a place for music. Anyone who, by himself, wanted to sing out loud in the street would run the risk of being arrested as a disturber of the peace….Only political action can possibly unleash the physical reality of song for a few brief hours….If you are looking for music, you have to step outside the space of immediate life, because it no longer is one, and find the lost immediacy where it costs the price of admission, at the opera, at a concert.Adorno, "Music in the Background," in *Essays on Music*, 506.

A number of interrelated curiosities no doubt leaps out to anyone familiar with Adorno’s critical theory of music in its received forms. For starters, Adorno, the theorist of functionless art qua critique of praxis as unfreedom, strongly endorses functional music in the service of direct revolutionary action (even as he acknowledges the limits of such music and the evanescence of such action, as well as their baleful social implications with regard to the bourgeois individual). At the same time, he writes ambivalently about the art music cloistered away from the functional world of capital in concert halls and opera houses, to the extent that its power comes at a cost.

Nested within this inversion of one of the central oversimplifications of the reception of Adorno’s critical music theory is a perhaps more striking twist of the conventional wisdom (roughly, the view that Adorno’s theorizing amounts to, as Buck-Morss words it, “Marx Minus the Proletariat,” a Marxism that fails to heed to the practical injunction of the Eleventh Thesis on FeuerbachSusan Buck-Morss, "Marx Minus the Proletariat: Theory as Praxis," in *The Origins of Negative Dialectics* (New York: The Free Press, 1977).). Adorno, especially in the slightly earlier essay, seems to believe that even as late as 1932 he is living through a moment when (as he writes later in the History and Freedom lectures) “change [is] close,” and that the objective possibility of that change can be secured through the direct action of workers. By “change,” Adorno of the 1960s means nothing short of the realization of freedom through the elimination of the necessity of privation “for all mankind, universally and on a global scale.”Adorno, *History and Freedom,* ed. Rolf Tiedemann, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge: Polity, 2006), 181--183. And by the qualification “direct,” Adorno seems to be referring to the council communist program that emerged from the workers’ and soldiers’ councils that shook the German Reich beginning in November of 1918, a program that privileged decentralized militancy over the bureaucratic party.Felix Baum, "The Frankfurt School and Council Communism," in *The Sage Handbook of Frankfurt School Critical Theory* (Los Angeles: Sage, 2018), 1160--1178. As Sohn-Rethel writes in Intellectual and Manual Labor, “The new development of Marxist thought which [the first generation of critical theory] represent[s] evolved as the theoretical and ideological superstructure of the revolution that never happened. In it re-echo the thunder of the gun battle for the Marstall in Berlin at Christmas 1918, and the shooting of the [Spartacist Uprising] the following winter.”Alfred Sohn-Rethel, *Intellectual and Manual Labor,* trans. Martin Sohn-Rethel (Chicago: Haymarket, 2021), xx.

A further curiosity with respect to the opening passages concerns the relation between theory and praxis vis-à-vis music, which points to a core tension between Adorno and Eisler. Adorno met Eisler in Vienna in the 20s. Over the next two decades, they became comrades and collaborators, “jointly and definitively” writing together Composing for the Films during their California exile (Adorno’s co-authorship was, in his words, withdrawn from the original 1947 publication when HUAC went after Eisler for his brother’s political activities, causing Adorno to fear their association might prevent him from returning to Europe)."Jointly and definitively" is from Adorno's "Postscript" to the 1969 edition of *Composing for the Films, w*here he also offers his explanation for the original elision of his co-authorship. See Eisler, *Composing for the Films* (Freeport, New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1971), 167--169. For a helpful account of the relationship between Adorno and Eisler, see Detlev Claussen, *Theodor W. Adorno: One Last Genius* (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008), 149--162. Eisler was a standout student of Schoenberg whose sister and brother were prominent members of the KPD (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands). After moving to Berlin in 1925, Eisler taught classes on music from a historical materialist perspective at the Party’s educational arm, the Berliner Marxistischen Arbeitschule, where he helped form the Kampfgemeinschaft der Arbeitersänger (Fighting Association of Working Singers). After the War, Eisler abandoned his own avant-garde musical practice and took up residence in the GDR, composing its national anthem and helping to write the Second International Congress of Composers and Musicologists’ Prague Declaration (an attempt to resolve the “profound crisis” of contemporary music, expressed in the conflict between serious music and light music, that affirmed the Central Committee’s socialist realist program—in short, the proscription of “tendencies of extreme subjectivism” as well as “complex forms of instrumental wordless symphonic music” in favor of harmonious vocal forms “most concrete in their contents.”"Resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of 10 February 1948" and "Declaration of the Second International Congress of Composers and Musicologists in Prague, 29 May 1948," in Nicholas Slonimsk, *Music Since 1900* (New York: Shirmer, 1994), 1056 and 1068.)

In contrast to Eisler, Adorno returned permanently to the Federal Republic in 1953, where he continued to give shape to his revolutionary politics through music severed from material praxis and to voice his increasing dismay with the Soviet Thermidor. Indeed, he responded forcefully to the Prague Declaration in an untranslated essay titled “Die gegängelte Musik.” There he accuses Eisler et al. not only of following the Nazis in turning spirit into the delusion it once criticized and of failing to see how “exhortations to abandon subjectivism” are incompatible with “a society based on solidarity,” but also of trying to fix the so-called crisis of music (and thus the contradiction between the individual and society) by mere decree, that is, of reducing the separation of musical production and audience, originality and popular appeal, to the fault of composers and thus addressing art in isolation, when “the reasons [for what is problematic about music] lie in the social totality.”Adorno, "Die gegängelte Musik," in *Gessamalte Schriften,* Band 14 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1973).

The tension between Adorno and Eisler is sometimes portrayed as a consequence of Adorno’s supposed postwar apostasy, which is said to have put him at odds with the genuine communists, that is, those who avowed and defended Comintern politics even after the Moscow trials and execution of Bukharin—namely, Brecht, Bloch, and Eisler.See e.g., Claussen, 303--4. Adorno mentions Bloch and Eisler cracking jokes about the killing of Bukharin in particular. But first off, conversations between Adorno and Horkheimer in the 50s affirm “communism” while inveighing against both “the Russians” and Adenauer (the Christian-Democratic Chancellor of the Federal Republic).Adorno, *Towards a New Manifesto*, trans. Rodney Livingstone (London: Verso, 2019), 63--4. Furthermore, Adorno and Eisler’s friendship, or at least their mutual respect for each another, seems to have persisted during the Cold War—indeed, Adorno defended Eisler’s rewriting of Composing for the Films in accordance with “official Soviet policy” for its 1949 GDR republication, something he did not do in analogous cases, and Eisler visited Adorno in Frankfurt during the 50s.Claussen, 149--162. The quoted material is from the "Postscript" of *Composing for the Films*. More important than matters of political biography, close reading of Adorno’s and Eisler’s respective writings before the Cold War reveals that there were, from the beginning, fundamental fissures in their theories of capitalist society and the resulting communist politics.

While there is much overlap in the early writing of Adorno and Eisler, and while Adorno appears to have been deeply enamored with Eisler’s composition, his mostly celebratory 1929 review of Eisler’s Zeitungsausschnitte op.11 shows reservations about the composer’s “theoretical and sociological development” with respect to the musical forces and relations of production:

There is a danger that for the sake of comprehensibility, the musical means have not been brought fully up to the current state of musical modernity….It would be possible, therefore, for a revolutionary political conviction to attract revolutionary aesthetic ones, whereas if that revolutionary conviction were to be entirely persuasive, it would have to adopt the technical methods that are in tune with the very latest historical achievements. This then is the problem with Eisler’s future development, not simply his internal development as a composer, be it noted, but his sociological and theoretical development, since he cannot remain blind to the difference between music that is appropriate in its own terms to the stage reached by society and music that is actually consumed by present-day society.Quoted in Claussen, 155.

This passage resonates with the opening quotation from “On the Social Situation of Music.” Two tensions appear in the related excerpts: a conflict between comprehensibility, function, use-value, practice, etc. and the progressive rationalization of the musical material, that is, between the relations of production (the culture industry’s demand for accessibility and purposiveness as a prerequisite of salability) and the growth of the musical forces of production (progressive technical control over/rationalization of the musical material); and a conflict between Eisler’s composition, his formation of the musical material, and the musical material’s general state of the development. Musical material is a difficult concept, whose fuller elaboration lies ahead; it refers not to “raw” material but to the bequeathed, historically and socially determinate conventions, genres, forms, schemata, techniques, etc. that confront the composer as problems demanding negotiation in the pursuit of “musical sense” or immanent monadologcial coherence—in short, “the objectified and critically reflected state of the technical productive forces of an age with which any given composer is inevitably confronted.”The longer quotation is from Adorno, "*Vers une musique informelle,"* in *Quasi una fantasia* (London: Verso, 2011), 281. For a introduction to Adorno's concept of the musical material from a musicological perceptive, see Max Paddison, *Adorno's Aesthetics of Music* (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). On "musical sense," see Adorno's lecture "Criteria of New Music" (1957), in Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures,* trans. Wieland Hoband (Cambridge: Polity, 2021). On the musical forces and relations of production, see Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music, t*rans. Robert Hullot-Kentor (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 88--9: "The contradiction between the forces of production and relations of production also becomes manifest as one between relations of production and the products themselves. These contradictions are so heightened that progress and reaction have lost their univocal meaning. To still paint a picture or write a quartet may live behind the division of labor and the experimental set up and film production, but the objective technical form of the painting and the quartet safeguards the potential of film, but today is thwarted by the mode of its production. The 'rationality' of the painting and the quartet, however chimerically sealed in on itself and problematic in its uncommunicativeness, stands higher than the rationalization of film production. Film production, manipulates, predetermined objects that are from the beginning and retrospectively, conceived and in resignation it abandons them to their externality without intervening in the object itself other than intermittently. However, from the many angles of reflection that photography powerlessly lets fall on the objects that it reproduces, Pablo Picasso constructs objects that defy them. The situation is no different with 12-tone composition." Adorno’s claim in the two passages is that insofar as Eisler’s politically correct proletarian music pursues comprehensibility over the progressive technical domination of the musical material, it sacrifices organization, composition, integral design, etc. and thus the sharpness of its critique. Adorno appears to be saying that when music “retreats from the front of direct action” and becomes “reflective,” taking on the character of critical cognition as it establishes itself as art, its power with respect to the ends of direct revolutionary action does not depend on the composer-producer’s injection of “commitment” into the work but on compliance with the social and historical requirements of the musical material. To risk supplementing these passages with later writings, when compositions “surrender themselves unconditionally to the material content of their time,” “integrat[ing] layers of material…into their immanent law of form,” they express in purely musical terms “the unavoidable contradictions” that are central to “the fermentation of social knowledge,” becoming more impartial than any historical document, becoming “the unconscious historiography of their epoch,” “historiography from the perspective of the victims”—not only reflections of the social whole but also critical self-reflections of “those elements which [resist] integration,” that is, “traces of blood in fairytale”; on the other hand, when compositions do not do this, when they fail to break off communication with “all-embracing blindness and delusion” and give in to heteronomous necessity and randomness, the upshot is music’s consumption—its uncritical digestion by existing social consciousness and the foreclosure of class struggle.Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, trans. Robert Hullot-Kentor (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), 182--3 and 7; Adorno, *Aesthetics,* trans. Wieland Hoban (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2018), 48; Adorno, "Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," in *Sound Figures* (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 12; Adorno, "*Vers une musique informelle*, 320; Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 35. Adorno clarifies that critical cognition was once possible in music without the cutting off of social communication, but since Beethoven, “a direct correlation has emerged between the social isolation of music and the seriousness of its objective social content”—“what should be close at hand, the ‘consciousness of suffering,’ becomes unbearably alien.”Adorno, "Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," in *Sound Figures,* trans. Rodney Livingstone Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 12--14.

As we will see, older Adorno appears to have found this matter rather more complicated than he did in the late 20s and early 30s, but nevertheless, this objection brings us to the heart of the tension between Eisler and Adorno, which centers on themes to which the emphasis on music’s critical, cognitive character point. In “Our Revolutionary Music,” written the same year as “On the Social Situation of Music,” Eisler divides revolutionary music somewhat like Adorno into “the mass fighting song” and “music to be listened to,” the former “practical” and the latter “theoretical.”Eisler, "Our Revolutionary Music," in *Hanns Eisler: A Rebel in Music*, ed. Manfred Grabs (New York: international Publishers, 1978), 59--60. The difference between Adorno and Eisler is that Eisler thinks that “music for listening to” can take a positive role in educating and activating the proletariat. Adorno, on the other hand, argues that the social and historical situation of music, the proletariat, and the individual composer is such that art music (that is, “music for listening to”) can only take a negative role in revolutionary politics, and that this role is outside the ambit of proletarian understanding. The upshot of this argument is twofold: an unusual accent for a politically radical aesthetics on the dianoetic; and an uncompromising communism increasingly antagonistic to the Soviet Union’s failure to realize its promise.

At the start and conclusion of the opening “On the Social Situation” passage, Adorno clearly deprioritizes the self-consciousness of the proletariat in revolutionary struggle. In fact, he seems to deny the positive existence of proletarian class-consciousness altogether, insofar as the music internally suited to revolution is incomprehensible to workers. He also states that if contact between the proletarian Eisler and the apolitical, bourgeois Schoenberg School from which Eisler emerged is to bear revolutionary fruit, its music “must intervene actively in consciousness through its own forms,” rather than “take instructions from the passive, one-sided position of the consciousness of [its proletarian] user.” In whose consciousness is revolutionary music to intervene if not the worker who uses it? Adorno’s political investment in the immanently developing artwork severed from utility (from praxis under the spell of labor, praxis that has blocked happiness) also entails a political investment in the useless intellectual adequate to its understanding. As Adorno writes to Horkheimer in March of 1936 and would soon replicate in his famous March 18^th^ letter to Benjamin, “The proletariat needs intellectuals for revolution just as much as intellectuals need the proletariat”; indeed, Adorno continues, it is a mistake to place “trust in the proletariat as though it were a blind World Spirit, tolerating specifically those characteristics of it which were produced by bourgeois machinery, characteristics which our precise task is to transform with knowledge.”Quoted in Dirk Braunstein, *Adorno's Critique of Political Economy*, trans. Adam Baltner (Chicago: Haymarket, 2022), 54--6. To be sure, young Adorno describes the relationship between the intellectual and the proletariat in terms of practical solidarity at which it is hard to envision even the most orthodox revolutionary bristling. For instance, a 1931 fragment imagines “the starving expert who unremittingly follows the inner parts in the score of Tristan” and enthusiastic dock workers building the barricades of the revolution from the cheap seats of the theater gallery that they share.Adorno, "The Natural History of the Theatre," in *Quasi una fantasia*, 67--8. What is more, the letters to Horkheimer and Benjamin not only evince Adorno’s esteem, in tension with his councilist inclinations, for specialist “planning” and Lenin’s writings, as well as his critique of Benjamin’s “anarchistic romanticism” of unmediated praxis, but also his life-long contempt for the anti-intellectualism that was characteristic of his teenage bullies and that would become closely associated with Nazism, socialist realism, and the culture industry.On "planning" and the dialectic of organization and spontaneity, see, for example, Adorno, "Anton Webern," in *Impromptus* (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1969), 49--50; Adorno, *In Search of Wagner*, trans. Rodney Livingstone (London: Verso, 1981), 111; Adorno, *Negative Dialectics*, trans. E. B. Ashton (New York: Continuum, 2007), 192; Adorno, "Marginalia to Theory and Praxis," in *Critical Models*, trans. H. W. Pickford (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 274; Adorno, "*Vers une musique informelle,* 292--3. In the well-known March 18, 1936 letter to Benjamin, Adorno writes that Benjamin's Artwork essay "is among the profoundest and most powerful statements of political theory that I have encountered since I read [Lenin's] *The* *State and Revolution*." What's more, he states, "For if you render rightly technicization and alienation dialectical, but not in equal measure the world of objectified subjectivity, the political effect is to credit the proletariat (as the cinema's subject) directly with an achievement which, according to Lenin it can realize only through a theory introduced by intellectuals as dialectical subjects, who themselves belong to the sphere of works of art which you have consigned to Hell." In Bloch et al., *Aesthetics and Politics,* trans. Ronald Taylor (London: Verso, 1980), 120--26. In a letter to Horkheimer dated March 21, 1936, Adorno mentions Lenin twice. He states that Fromm has put him in the "paradoxical situation of having to defend Freud. He is both sentimental and false, a combination of social democracy and anarchism; above all, there is a painful absence of dialectical thinking. He takes far too simple a view of authority, without which, after all, neither Lenin's vanguard nor his dictatorship is conceivable. I would urgently advise him to read Lenin." He also writes, "Marx was too harmless; he probably imagined quite naively that human beings are basically the same in all essentials and will remain so. It would be a good idea, therefore, to deprive them of their second nature. He was not concerned with their subjectivity; he probably didn't look into that too closely. The idea that human being s are the products of society down down to the innermost core is an idea that he would have rejected as a milieu theory. Lenin was the first person to assert this." Quoted in Braunstein, 51 and Claussen, 233. Later, in the *Towards a New Manifesto* discussions with Horkheimer, Adorno also mentions Lenin several times, at one point stating "I have always wanted to...develop a theory that remains faithful to Marx, Engels, and Lenin, while while keeping up with culture at its most advanced" (64). On the bullying Teddy suffered, see Claussen, 57-60. On the other hand, the letters also adumbrate his later positions that so often elicit charges of quietism and aestheticism: in particular, the postwar prioritization of theory in the historical fluctuation of the theory-praxis interrelation, that is, the position that led to Adorno’s fallout with his protesting students in 1969—namely, his view of thinking as preserving the objective possibility of happiness when “no higher form of society is concretely visible.” To clarify, later Adorno contends that when the historical circumstances are non-revolutionary (e.g., when proletarians have more to lose than their chains), then what was revolutionary activity under felicitous conditions degenerates into mere “actionism,” “pseudo-revolution,” or “pseudo-activity,” and what’s more, “uncompromisingly critical” thinking, as well as contemplative artworks that recoil from immediate praxis or overt political “commitment,” become “more akin to transformative praxis than a comportment that is compliant for the sake of praxis.”The quoted material is from Adorno, "Resignation," in *Critical Models*, 292--3 and "Marginalia to Theory and Praxis," in *Critical Models*. Also see Adorno *Towards a New Manifesto*, 54; Adorno, *Negative Dialectics*, 143; and Adorno, 'Correspondence on the German Student Movement', *New Left Review* I(233) (January--February 1999): 123--36. On how the proletariat having more to lose than their chains puts mass revolution in doubt, see Adorno, "Reflections on Class Theory," in *Can One Live after Auschwitz*, ed. Rolf Tiedemann (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), 103.

What the letters to Horkheimer and Benjamin, as well as the initial quotation, elide (and what will be discussed further below) is that Adorno views the autonomous, useless intellectual he privileges much like he views the autonomous, useless artwork he privileges, as an indictment of the unfree society from which it and the corresponding division of labor arise: “intellectual pursuit is still the natural mode of existence for the sons of rich parents,” Adorno writes to Horkheimer in 1945.Braunstein, 228. In Minima Moralia, he states with respect to the intellectual, “His own distance from business at large is a luxury which only that business confers,” a point that closely resembles the claim in Dialectic of Enlightenment that bourgeois art is free only because bourgeois society is not.Adorno, "Antithesis," in *Minima Moralia,* trans. E. F. N. Jephcott (London: Verso, 2005), 26; Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002), 107. Another Minima Moralia aphorism puts it even more powerfully: “That intellectuals are at once beneficiaries of a bad society, and yet those on whose socially useless work it largely depends whether a society emancipated from utility is achieved—this is not a contradiction acceptable once and for all and therefore irrelevant….Whatever the intellectual does is wrong.”Adorno, "Little Hans," in *Minima Moralia*, 133. This sentiment echoes what Adorno wrote to Krenek in a September 30, 1932 letter: "I would agree with Benjamin's statement concerning the scar on the body of society, namely, we intellectuals: admittedly, not without thinking of what Kierkegaard says of despair in *Sickness unto Death*, namely, that the sickness, dialectically, is at the same time the cure.'' Adorno and Krenek, *Briefwechsel* (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1974), 37.

To return to the “Music in the Background” passage, to Adorno’s perhaps unexpected ambivalence with respect to useless art-music as opposed to the functional songs of political action, a central aspect of Adorno’s theory of freedom and his uncompromising communism is the idea that there is no outside the “nexus of social guilt,”Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 120. or that “wrong life cannot be lived rightly.”Adorno, "Refuge for the Homeless," in *Minima Moralia*, 39. Even a truly spontaneous thought “wrested from what is” (say, from the capitalist social reality that discountenances functionlessness) only “hold[s] good” inasmuch as “it is also marked…by the same distortion and indigence which it seeks to escape.”Adorno "Finale," in *Minima Moralia*, 247. Also see Horkheimer and Adorno *Dialectic of Enlightenment,* 29--34 Every attribution of aesthetic value by Adorno likewise entails “bad conscience,” insofar as even the greatest music of capitalist culture “bears the mark of Cain.”Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music,* trans. E. B. Ashton (New York: The Seabury Press, 1976), 204 and 205. Also see 19--20: "The fact which expresses the antagonistic state of the whole is that even musically correct modes of conduct may, by their positions in the whole, cause moments of disaster. Whatever we do will be wrong....In view of such complications there is nobody in the intimidated, overtaxed, captive audience of millions to shake a finger at and tell that he must know something about music, or at least must take an interest in it. Even the freedom of release from such obligations has an aspect of human dignity---that of a state of affairs in which culture is no longer forced upon one. A man gazing peacefully at the sky may at times be closer to truth than another who accurately follows the 'Eroica.' But in thus failing culture he compels conclusions about the way culture has failed mankind, and about what the world has made of mankind. The contradiction between the freedom of art and the gloomy diagnoses regarding the use of such freedom---this contradiction is one of reality, not just of the consciousness that analyzes reality so as to make some small contribution to change." As Adorno writes in 1960, “The focusing of my own interests on aesthetics…has something evasive about it, something ideological—and that is the case even before we come to questions of content.”Quoted in Claussen, 305. For as Adorno emphasizes, the critical freedom of functionless art from the irrational rationality of social praxis that reverses means into ends—the freedom secured through progressive mastery of the artistic material that makes music incomprehensible to the laboring oarsmen whose ears are stuffed with wax— presupposes class privilege, that is, an unfree society: “[art’s] distance [from the guilt context of the living] allows the guilt context to prevail.”Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 107--8; Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 144. Accordingly, the “quality,” “success,” and “greatness” of music since late Beethoven has lied in its capacity to reflect critically upon its guilty autonomy or “semblance” [Schein], that is, its appearance or illusion as an absolutely integrated, monadological reality at a distance from empirical immediacy (the sensuous stuff of vibrating air and paint perceived in the here and now). As Adorno writes, “Artworks that want to free themselves of their guilt weaken themselves as artworks.”Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory,* 208. Music does justice to art’s promesse du bonheur (its promise of happiness) and its claim to radicalism only by speaking the truth in the sense of “present[ing] fulfillment in its brokenness,” by making manifest a negative “truth-content” [Wahrheitsgehalt]—“all its happiness is in the knowledge of unhappiness.”Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 111. Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 102; Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures*, 151: "If the concept of radicalism has any purpose in art, it can only be that one take art seriously in the sense that art itself has the unambiguity of the truth"; Adorno *Aesthetic Theory*, 135--6: "[Aesthetic experience] is possibility promised by its impossibility. Art is the ever broken promise of happiness."

Peter E. Gordon is thus undoubtedly right to deny the “gnostic” reading of Adorno and to attribute a positive moment to his thought, namely, the “maximalist” normative demand for “the right life,” which Gordon describes as a postulate of critical practice redolent of Kant’s postulates of practical reason, a requisite standard against which immanent critique determines current conditions have failed to deliver on their promises.Peter E. Gordon, *A Precarious Happiness: Adorno and the Sources of Normativity* (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2023). References to "the right life" abound in Adorno; see, for example, "Toy Shop," *Minima Moralia*, 228. I would add what Gordon seems reticent to as he reaches for anodyne designations like “nondoctrinal materialism”: that the maximalism of the demand bespeaks an uncompromising communist politics—“the right life” is not just a necessary presupposition of social critique akin to immortality vis-à-vis Kantian ethics, that is, a necessary formal demand which is, in Gordon’s words, “impossibly strong” materially. It is also a “cause” in the political sense, a program whose goal is “life without fear,” the attainment of which is doubtful but nonetheless possible (in fact, Adorno writes to Horkheimer in 1962 that any time the historical circumstances could once again become revolutionary, with the accent in the theory-praxis dialectic shifting to praxis: “Situations may arise today or tomorrow which, while they are very likely to be catastrophic at the same time restore the possibility of practical action which is today obstructed”Quoted in Wiggershaus, *The Frankfurt School*, 566.). This “life without fear” entails universal freedom, the basis of which, Adorno writes, is the elimination of the systematic necessity that impedes direct access to the means of life and is the source of capitalist class domination.Gordon 105--9, 139--42; Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 181--183." I would also underline what is at times obscured in Gordon’s argument and repeat the point made at the conclusion of the previous paragraph: that the positive moment lies entirely within the tenebrous realm of “consummate negativity,” in the realm where every reformist amelioration fails, where every exercise of freedom is an expression of domination, since such is the truth of our social reality.Adorno, "Finale," in *Minima Moralia*, 247. If “the True is the whole” (Hegel), and if “the whole is false” or “wrong life” (Adorno), then truth, and the anticipation of “the right life,” lies in the false.Hegel, *Phenomenology of Spirit*; trans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), §20, 11; *Minima Moralia*, 50. In a rehearsal of the elusive “positive” concept of enlightenment, a concluding fragment in Dialectic of Enlightenment emphasizes, “Invocation of the sun is idolatry. Only the spectacle of the tree withered in its heat gives a presentiment of the majesty of the day which will not scorch the world on which it shines.”Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 182. Insofar as the denial of the falsity of the equation of the whole with truth is the giving of voice to the nonidentical that is repressed and mutilated in false wholeness, it is an anticipation of a truly emancipated society that nonetheless does not escape the mutilations of the false one. But even this formulation does not capture that extent of Adorno’s negativity, inasmuch as the point is not simply “to realize the broken promises of modernity” (for example, the promises of equivalent exchange and of the bourgeois artwork) but to do justice to them by abolishing the social practices in which they adhere.Gordon, *A Precarious Happiness*, xiv; Adorno, "Theses on Need," in *Toward a New Manifesto*, 88--89; Adorno, "Progress," in *Can One Live After Auschwitz?* (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), 143--144. Also relevant here is *Aesthetic Theory*, 319.

To further understand Adorno’s political investment in music that has retreated from direct action and is incomprehensible to the proletariat, and to better understand how this investment qualifies as “historical materialist” and “communist” (how Marcuse could speak to Adorno of “our cause” even as the two occupied opposing sides of the student movement with respect to theory and praxisAdorno, "Correspondence on the German Student Movement," *New Left Review* I/233 (January--February 1999): 124.), we need to dig deeper into “On the Social Situation of Music.” This digging will reveal Adorno’s critical theory of music (and thus his critical theory in general) in its communistic light— as a remarkably consistent, lifelong attempt to “develop a theory that remains faithful to Marx, Engels, and Lenin, while keeping up with culture at its most advanced” Adorno, *Toward a New Manifesto*, 69.—by making explicit the social situation from which and for the sake which it is motivated.I am thus following Jameson's "synchronous" approach from *Late Marxism* (first published in 1990), which opposes "the rather shallow view" of Adorno's postwar apostasy and instead considers Adorno's writings "as parts of a single unfolding [Marxist] system." Jameson, *Late Marxism*, 3--4.

* * *

The elliptical, dense, at times disjunct prefatory material of Adorno’s first essay for the first issue of the Institute’s journal consists of a single extended paragraph unfolding over four pages in its original publication. Here Adorno offers an “Outline” of perhaps the first historical materialist theory of music, explicitly claiming the designation and contrasting it with “a mere exercise in intellectual history” (393). In brief, the “Outline” summarizes the paradoxical situation of music in “late capitalism” for the sake of clarifying the peculiar circumstances where it is “better,” where it “preserves its right to existence” and “fulfills its social function more precisely” (393), doing justice to its promise to satisfy the needs immediate social reality denies (421). In other words, the point of the “Outline” is to sketch the odd social conditions under which music does not merely fulfill its promise of happiness “ideologically” but truly lives up to it. According to Adorno, it can do so only by revealing the social antinomies responsible for its separation from social life, that is, by expressing “the exigency of the social condition” and “[calling] for change through the coded language of suffering.” Inasmuch as it calls for change by making manifest the full extent of the social contradictions in which it is mired and thus giving voice to suffering, Adorno argues, music enters into a dialectical relationship with revolutionary praxis.

The opening sentence of the “Outline” takes the form of an antinomy to which Adorno often refers in his writings about art: all music today clearly traces the contradictions and flaws of society; at the same time, it is cut off from society by society’s flaws (391). In other words, music has a critical social function, giving shape to society’s problems in its material structures with exceptional limpidity, only to the extent that it is socially functionless and incomprehensible, meaning society cannot access music’s inner, living social significance. For, Adorno suggests, “the role of music in the social process is exclusively that of a commodity.” Insofar as the general social function of music is exclusively that of a commodity, “[music] no longer serves direct needs nor benefits from direct application” but adjusts to “the pressure of the exchange of abstract units,” meaning music’s value is determined by use (for the sake of exchange) and functionless music is therefore socially worthless. “Through the total absorption of both musical production and consumption by the capitalistic process” Adorno concludes, “the alienation of music from man has become complete.” Gone are apparent enclaves of pre-capitalistic immediacy, such as those of the nineteenth-century domestic sphere before “techniques of radio and sound film, in the hands of powerful monopolies and in unlimited control over the total capitalistic propaganda machine” came to inhabit their “innermost cells.” Moreover, “[The balance between individual production and understanding]”—the equilibrium between the development of the musical forces of production and the relations of production— “has been totally destroyed,” such that progressive music is unsaleable and hated.

As in the opening chapter of Dialectic of Enlightenment, the emphasis on the “total” character of this situation is misleading. Adorno next clarifies that the process through which the general social function of music has become solely that of a commodity has involved “the objectification and rationalization of music” (392)—the increasing control over the musical material and the transformation of the musical construct into something objective and lawful in itself—which has meant not only “[music’s] separation from the simple immediacy of use” (presumably its transformation into functionless works of art that no longer serve the purposes of their former church and court patrons) but also the endowment of music “with the power of far-reaching sublimation of drives and the cogent and binding expression of humanity” (its communicative power, as well as its promissory and universal character, as integrated aesthetic form at a distance from sensuous, practical immediacy).

A number of overlapping points follow that are meant to elucidate the central aporia of the essay—“the situation from which every observation upon the social position of music which hopes to avoid the deceptions which today dominate discussions of the subject must proceed.” Clarifying that he is no romantic pining for return to musical immediacy, Adorno states that not only is the restoration of simple immediacy a retreat into myth but that the process of progressive development through which music has come to assume the exclusive role of a commodity has not been taken far enough; it is has been cut short, Adorno writes, for the sake of maintaining capitalist class relations: “Now…rationalized music has fallen victim to the same dangers as rationalized society within which class interest bring rationalization to a halt as soon as it threatens to run against class conditions themselves. This situation has now left man in a state of rationalization which—as soon as the possibility of his dialectic development is blocked—crushes him between unresolved contradictions.” Adorno is clearly taking a page from classical Marxism, building on the contention that if the progressive rationalization immanent to the development of wealth on the capitalist basis were carried to its logical conclusion, it would mean the overcoming of bourgeois class domination; as Adorno writes in Introduction to the Sociology of Music, a sort of update of “On the Social Situation of Music” written three decades later, the bourgeoisie is “the historic instance of a class that voids the static order and yet cannot yield, unfettered, to its own dynamics without voiding itself.”Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music,* 214. The point seems to be that insofar as the relations of production (the imperatives of salability) are at odds with the development of the forces of production (the progressive rationalization of the musical material), the latter is blocked and painful aporias follow—namely, the social process that has humanized music and constituted it as a spiritual art-object has taken it away from humans (stripping it of its direct utility) and “left [them] only with a semblance [Schein],” that is, an illusory aesthetic reality at a distance from sensuous, material praxis). Adorno concludes that “insofar as [music] did not submit to the command of the production of commodities, [it] was robbed of its social responsibility and exiled into a hermetic space within which its contents are removed.” In sum, progressive rationalization in music, to the extent that it is at odds with the reproduction of capitalist class domination, has meant the pursuit of “authenticity” at the expense of “comprehensibility” (411); music that has resisted the social pressures that mediate it and make it what it is has become incomprehensible.

Adorno’s “Outline” of music’s social situation does not end here. He adds that music “became conscious of its own reification and of its alienation from man” while “lacking proper knowledge of the social process” (392). As a result of this truncated reflection, “music…blamed itself and not society for this situation, thus remaining in the illusion that the isolation of music was itself an isolated matter, namely, that things could be corrected from the side of music alone with no change in society” (392). As Adorno emphasizes, the situation of music’s “social alienation,” which reformist tendencies disparage as “individualism” and “technical esotericism,” is “a matter of social fact” and cannot be redressed within music alone but only through “the change of society.” At this point, Adorno identifies the dialectical contribution that music can make toward such change, that is, the abolition of class domination:

Here and now music is able to do nothing but portray within its own structure the social antinomies which are also responsible for its isolation. Music will be better, the more deeply it is able to express—in the antinomies of its own formal language—the exigency of the social condition and to call for change through the coded language of suffering. It is not for music to stare in helpless horror at society: it fulfills its social function more precisely when it presents social problems through its own material and according to its own formal laws—problems which music contains within itself in the innermost cells of technique. The task of music as art thus enters into a parallel relationship to the task of social theory.Adorno, "On the Social Situation of Music" 393.

Adorno is here developing an account of the dialectical (rather than immediate) relationship between music qua critical theory and revolutionary praxis in light of the fact that directly useful music offers only the “illusion of immediacy” characteristic of the commodity (394). This account is emphatically “materialist” in the sense that music is not said to enter into praxis directly as explicit instructions for what is to be done but insofar as it takes on “the character of cognition” by negotiating social problems unfolding at the level of its historically and socially determinate material:

Through its material, music must give clear form to the problems assigned it by this material, which is itself never purely natural material, but rather a social and historical product. Solutions offered by music in this process stand equal to theories. Social postulates are offered, the relationship of which to praxis might be, to be sure, extremely mediated and difficult or which, at any rate, cannot be realized without great difficulty. It is these postulates however which decide whether and how the entrance into social reality might be made. (393)

Although the inner life of useless music is dead to society, to the extent that the general social function of music is that of commodity whose value is determined by use for the sake of exchange, such music, first off, gives form to or reflects the social antinomies responsible for its isolation in its immanent, material dynamics, and also, like critical social theory, expresses “an attitude toward these aporias,” providing social postulates that enter into a “highly mediated,” dialectical relation with revolutionary praxis (393–4). Adorno is not overly forthcoming about what he means with respect to isolated, avant-garde music’s mediated relation to praxis, but he does note that “resistance [to this music] seems to indicate that the dialectical function of this music is already perceptible in praxis, even if only as a negative force, as ‘destruction’ ” (394–5). Later writing offers additional elaboration. In “Marginalia to Theory and Praxis,” Adorno writes that Marx’s “critique of political economy lacks all concrete transitions to that praxis that…should constitute its raison d’être.” “The theory that is not conceived as an instruction for its realization,” he adds, “should have the most hope for realization.” Regarding the unmediated translation of theory into practice, Adorno notes what Robespierre and St. Just did with Rousseau’s theory of the general will.Adorno, "Marginalia to Theory and Praxis," 277. He appears to be making the same point above, that functionlessness is a bulwark against the falsifying pressures of capitalism.

According to Adorno, critically self-reflexive music is “rejected” as “incomprehensible, esoteric-private, [and] thus reactionary” by those attached to a “romantic concept of musical immediacy” that sees “the empirical consciousness of present-day society…as the positive measure of a music no longer alienated but rather the property of free men” (394). But, Adorno argues, such music can do what “the current [empirical] consciousness of the masses” cannot, insofar as this state of consciousness is “suppressed and enchained through class domination”—a point, Adorno later adds, that “no one has formulated…more exactly and extremely than Marx himself” (410). As we will see, Adorno’s musical materialism is not principally oriented around the psychologies of those involved musical production, reproduction, and consumption; instead, it focuses on how music takes on the character of critical self-reflexivity in the more impartial subject-object dialectic of its material. According to Adorno, this radical music that takes on the character of critical social theory does not merely “externalize a condition in art produced by class domination” but is “internally suited” to “the fixed goal of proletarian class struggle”—namely, the elimination of class domination (410–11). To grasp this internal suitability, we need to move into the hidden abode of musical production.

* * *

The opening “Outline” is followed by a longer subsection called “Production” and a second, delimited section called “Reproduction/Consumption” (the form of the essay as a whole is thus bipartite: “Outline/Production” and “Reproduction/Consumption”). Adorno writes that “[the alienation of music from society] is tangible as an actual social fact in the relation of production to consumption.” “Reproduction,” he adds, “mediates between these two realms,” to the extent that production’s “demand for authenticity” and consumption’s “demand for comprehensibility” intermingle within it; in other words, intelligible musical reproduction applies both to the interpretation that makes manifest the “true meaning” embedded in a score as well as to the accessibility presupposed by consumption (411–12). Crucial here is Adorno’s specification that “consumption” is not simply another word for “listening” or “reception,” but a socially specific way of engaging with music qua commodity. In fact, Adorno states, “There simply is no such thing as the ‘consumption’ of new music.” By “new music,” Adorno means the critical but incomprehensible and thus unsalable music outlined at the start of the essay, that is, avant-garde, radical music of the type performed at concerts offered in the 20s and early 30s by the Internal Society for Contemporary Music, where “tickets [were] furnished to the audience gratis,” meaning such concerts were “economically totally unproductive” and “remain[ed] totally within the sphere of musical production” (420).

As Max Paddison states in his analysis of “On the Social Situation of Music”—an analysis that is, on the one hand, quite sensitive while, on the other, largely omitting Adorno’s political motivations—the essay’s first section on production communicates something “essential” about Adorno’s philosophy of music as a whole.Paddison, *Adorno's Aesthetics of Music*, 97. In 10 pages, Paddison mentions class once and never discusses proletarian revolution or Adorno's utopianism. The upshot is that it is unclear why Adorno is doing what he's doing with respect to music. Similar things can be said regarding the helpful chapter on mediation that follows the analysis of "On the Social Situation of Music." The importance of the “Production” section, as Adorno suggests (404–5), lies in its delimitation of the “location” of the problem of the mediation of music and society, spirit and world, superstructure and base (that the mediation of music and society is one of the essay’s principal concerns is clear from its first sentence, which speaks of how all music of the essay’s present clearly articulates society’s contradictions and flaws).

This prioritization of the “dark interior,” or hidden abode, of musical production with respect to the problem of mediation is a central element of Adorno’s musical Marxism.Also see Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 34. Adorno, like Marx of the first volume of Capital, approaches society from the inside of the production process: only the “inner core” of music qua product points back to the social world, according to Adorno—“mediation occurs in the matter itself.”Adorno, "Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," 9: "The path leading to their [the language and the form of music's] inner core is at the same time the only path leading to the discovery of their social significance." Also see Adorno, "Theses on the Sociology of Art," in *Without Model*, trans. Wieland Hoban (Calcutta: Seagull Books, 2023), 87 and 90. For Adorno, the musical material and hence the sphere of musical production comprise the locus of the mediation of music and society to the extent that the musical material is the site of the progressive development of historically determinate techniques for the sake of avoiding the predominant norms of consumption. Although Adorno indicates in the 60s that his refusal to republish his first ZfS essay derives from a flaw in his initial conception of musical production, he maintains throughout his life a commitment to what he describes as a dialectically “objectivist” aesthetics (as opposed to a bourgeois “subjectivism”), and he takes issue with traditional sociology’s focus on what sees as rather transparent matters of the distribution and consumption of music to the exclusion of the more obscure problems of musical production: such a sociology of music “remains imprisoned within the mechanisms of the market” and “gives its sanction to the primacy of the commodity character of music,” measuring music’s social effects via positivistic laboratory techniques when artworks of the highest social significance have no social effects and, as integrated aesthetic form, are more than their sensual particulars; furthermore, this sociological approach to music misunderstands capitalist domination, that the subjects whose reactions it takes as “objective data” are in fact “objects of society, not its substance.”Adorno, "Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," 6--7; Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music*, 198; Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory,* 355; Adorno, "Theses on the Sociology of Art," 86. On "objectivist" versus "subjectivist" aesthetics, see the *Aesthetics* lectures. Adorno's dialectical objectivism is obviously deeply indebted to Hegel, whose aesthetics Adorno ultimately deems a failure even as it serves as his principal inspiration, but its less obvious source is the analytical approach of the Schoenberg School---for instance, a 1920 essay by his teacher Alban Berg called "The Musical Impotence of Hans Pfitzner's *Die neue Ästhetik*," which Adorno describes as "among the most significant essays on music," is so clearly a model for Adorno's aesthetic theory, to the extent that it argues for the objective, rational basis of music's quality. See Adorno, *Alban Berg: Master of the Smallest Link*, trans. Juliane Brand and Christopher Hailey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 24 and 35--40. We will soon examine older Adorno’s self-critique of “On the Social Situation of Music,” but first we must elaborate how young Adorno “designates with greater precision” the problem of the mediation of music and society.

Adorno’s investigation of musical production—which is to say bourgeois musical production"The crude attribution of music to classes and groups is pure assertion and reverses all too easily into foolish pranks and agitation against 'formalism,' branding as bourgeois decadence everything that refuses to engage in the games of existing society and crowning the remnants of bourgeois composition, late-romantic sentimental plush, with the dignity of a people's democracy. To date, music has only existed as a product of the bourgeois class; a product that in its fractures and concrete configurations at once embodies the whole of society and registers it aesthetically. Feudalism scarcely produced its "own" music; rather, it always had it delivered by the urban bourgeoisie. And the proletariat, as a mere object of the domination of the whole of society, was prohibited from constituting itself as a musical subject by the repression that shaped its nature as well as by its position in the system: Only in the realization of freedom, freed of all manipulative management, would the proletariat achieve that subjectivity. In the given order of things, the existence of other than bourgeois music is dubious." Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 100. Also see Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 168: "That this We [which art speaks] is, however, not socially univocal, that it is hardly that of a determinate class or social positions, has its ori­gin perhaps in the fact that to this day art in the emphatic sense has only existed as bourgeois art; *according to Trotsky's thesis, no proletarian art is conceivable, only socialist art*."—proceeds via the division of “present-day musical activity” into two categories, which are described as torn halves of a “musical globe” that can never be made whole (395).See Adorno's famous March, 18 1936 letter to Benjamin: " '*Les extrèmes me touchent,'* just as they touch you---but only if the dialectic of the lowest has the same value as the dialectic of the highest, rather than the latter simply decaying. Both bear the stigmata of capitalist, both contain elements of change (but never, of course, the middle-term between Schoenberg and the American film). Both are torn halves of an integral freedom, to which however they do not add up.'' In Bloch et al., *Aesthetics and Politics,* trans. Ronald Taylor (London: Verso, 1980), 123. According to Adorno, "Music of the first category…takes place on the side of society; the second, on the side of music.” To clarify, the first category consists of music that “unconditionally recognizes its commodity character and, refusing any dialectical intervention, orients itself to the demands of the market.” The second, by contrast, “does not subordinate itself unconditionally to the law of the market.”

Adorno writes that while this distinction may appear to correspond to that between “light” and “serious” music, “a great deal of ‘serious’ music adjusts itself to the demands of the market in the same manner as the composers of light music” and therefore “serves the market in disguise,” even as “every effort is made to exempt ‘serious music’ from an alienation shared to an equal degree by Stravinsky’s Symphony of Psalms and the latest hit song of Robert Solz” (395–6). This line of argument begins to provide some insight into the musics that fall under the first category, while also complicating the familiar charge against Adorno of elitism (a charge that will be addressed in more detail in forthcoming portions of this project).

Among the instances of “light” or “vulgar” music Adorno notes in the “Reproduction/Consumption” section are the “hit song” (in addition to the tunes of the Viennese operetta composer Robert Stolz, Adorno also notes, for instance, Paul Raasch’s 1927 beer-hall sensation “Trink, trink, Brüderlein trink” Adorno also references this hit in *The Introduction to the Sociology of Music*, 45, where he describes it as offering the "alcoholic bliss" that music is general has come to stand for, "a fraudulent promise of happiness which, instead of happiness, installs itself."); he also mentions, at the more upmarket end of the spectrum, “literature for male chorus” and “sophisticated jazz,” the latter of which is described as “the upper bourgeois form of vulgar music” (425, 430). But to emphasize genre would perhaps be to miss the point made manifest by the inclusion in the first category of “serious” music, by which Adorno means not only more affirmative art music of the essay’s present but also classics by Wagner and Puccini that comprise the core of the bourgeois canon. In “Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music,” written between the ZfS essay and the Introduction to the Sociology of Music, Adorno states that “[the distinction between high and low art established by antiquity] proves nothing else than the failure of all cultures that have ever existed hitherto.”"Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," 13. In Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music*, 225, he makes a similar point: "The antithesis of productive forces and relations of production becomes flagrant in the dichotomy [between serious and light music]: the productive forces are pushed into the upper, quasi-privileged sphere, are isolated, and are thus a piece of the wrong consciousness even where they represent the right one." The principal issue that Adorno seems to take in “On the Social Situation of Music” with music of the first category is that it affirms this failure, that it “ideologically” satisfies “the actual need that lies at the basis of bourgeois musical consumption” with the aim of “thwarting change within society” (421). With respect to thwarting change, Adorno again gestures toward the stalling of rationalization, to that passive sensuous enjoyment that he later describes as the deeply entrenched effect of the identification of cultural consumption with leisure time, that is, the proscription of effort for the sake of reproduction of labor power. By ideological satisfaction, he means music of the first category installs itself in place of the happiness denied by capitalism. Adorno expands on this point in the culture industry chapter of Dialectic of Enlightenment: “works of art are ascetic and shameless,” preserving the promise of happiness by presenting fulfillment in its mutilation; “the culture industry is pornographic and prudish,” cheating consumers out of true happiness by substituting immediate gratification for the aesthetic sublimation on which the encounter with social truth and thus change are predicated.Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 111. In short, Adorno writes in “On the Social Situation,” music from category one hides “social misery and contradiction” rather than “translating [social contradictions] into form and cognition regarding the structure of society” (421).

In Adorno’s elaboration of the second category of musical activity, he takes us into musical production’s hidden abode. Adorno begins this descent by dividing musical production that does not serve the market and that expresses alienation in four subcategories. This critical music consists of (1) the autonomous music of the Schoenberg School (Schoenberg, Berg, and Webern), which resembles “the monad of Leibniz,” insofar as “without consciousness of its social location or indifference to it,” this music “crystallizes” social antinomies immanently in its musical material; (2) the “objectivist” music of Stravinsky (and also Bartók), which “recognizes the fact of alienation as its own isolation” but does so “only within itself” and thus “without respect for actual society”—accordingly, it turns to “stylistic forms of the past” (“neo-classicism” in “highly capitalistic-industrial nations” and “folklore” in “underdeveloped, agrarian counties”) and tries “to evoke the image of a non-existent ‘objective’ society’ ”; (3) a surrealistic “hybrid form”—represented by Stravinsky’s L’histoire du soldat (“his best and most exposed [piece]” [406]) and the works Weil wrote with Brecht—which “proceeds” (like Stravinsky’s reactionary objectivism) “from the cognition of alienation,” while (in contrast to this objectivism) “[denying]…the positive solution” and “permitting social flaws to manifest themselves by means of a flawed invoice which defines itself as illusory with no attempt at camouflage through attempts at an aesthetic totality”; and (4) the Gebrauchsmusik of Hindemith and (the less commercial and more laudable) Gemeinschaftmusik of Eisler, which together comprise a type of music that “attempts to break through alienation from within itself, even at expense of its immanent form” (396–7).

For reasons that are no doubt becoming clear, the heart of Adorno’s theory of mediation and its political significance lies in his account of Schoenberg’s music (including its relation to Stravinsky’s). Therefore, this discussion will limit itself to the first two forms of critical musical production in Adorno’s taxonomy (and largely to the first). According to Adorno, Schoenberg is to be regarded, like Freud and Karl Krauss, as one of the “dialectical phenomena of bourgeois individualism…which work in their supposedly ‘specialized’ areas of problems without respect for a presupposed social totality”: “in these areas…they achieve solutions which suddenly change and turn unnoticed against the prerequisites of individualism; such solutions are in principle denied to a socially oriented bourgeois reformism which must pay for its insights, aimed as they are at the totality but never reaching the basis thereof, with ‘mediating’ and consequently camouflaging machinations” (397). In other words, Adorno positions Schoenberg’s work, along with that of Freud and Krauss, in opposition to “a socially oriented bourgeois reformism” that obscures the totality it seeks to redress. This is to say that he positions them politically, on the side of truth for the sake of something more than mere reformism.

Just as Freud only arrives at “an objective dialectic of human consciousness in history” through “the analysis of individual consciousness and subconsciousness,” Schoenberg’s music reveals the “basis [of totality]” to the extent that the composer pursues the immanent consequences of “expressive music of the private bourgeois individual” to the extreme. By seeking complete conscious disposal over the musical material, total freedom from every heteronomous element, such that every musical moment refers only to itself, Schoenberg transforms music into something altogether different than the conventional autonomous artwork—a new kind of radically independent work, one with absolutely no social function, “which even severs the last communication with the listener,” but which is also entirely without the illusion or semblance of self-sufficiency or freedom from mediation by society (397, 400).Also see Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 36*.* This obviously recalls the opening antinomy of “On the Social Situation of Music.” As Adorno formulates this antinomy in Philosophy of New Music, written eight years after his first ZfS essay, the process through which bourgeois music overcomes every heteronomous convention and isolates itself from society, thereby securing its capacity to cognize social reality, is also a hollowing out of its meaning—“a kind of second order vacuity is announced, not dissimilar to Hegel ‘unhappy consciousness’: ‘But this self has freed content by means of its emptiness.’ ”Ibid., 19, 40. The comparison to the unhappy consciousness of the Phenomenology is obviously not a celebration; and Adorno is not advocating for the music of Schoenberg School in the sense of urging more people to appreciate its significance. Rather, Adorno is arguing that the capacity of music to illuminate the social world (“monopoly capitalism”) is tied up with its incomprehensibility, the upshot of which is that “no one, neither individuals or groups, wants to have anything to do with it.”Ibid., 102. It precisely this contradiction, according to Adorno, that makes Schoenberg’s music valuable critical theory for communism.

Returning to “On the Social Situation of Music,” Adorno emphasizes that is not Schoenberg the subject per se who makes the music he produces critical. Even though Schoenberg’s composition is perhaps the first example where consciousness has “seized control of [the natural material of music],” it is not, Adorno writes, produced “out of pure spirit” (398). “It is much rather a dialectic in the strictest sense,” a movement “situated in the material itself.” According to Adorno, it is precisely in this dialectic of the musical material, wherein music’s exterior alienation (its separation from society) is perfected, that it overcomes its alienation inwardly and offers some measure of reconciliation between subject and object, individual and universality, freedom and planning (400).

The Schoenberg section of Philosophy of New Music (largely written in 1941) contains perhaps the most thorough general account of the dialectical movement of the musical material, which it might be helpful to review before elaborating the more elliptical rendering in “On the Social Situation of Music.” It is worth noting that despite the Hegel epigraphs at the start of every major section of that book, Adorno announces in the introduction that his method is “precisely” a Marxian one, insofar as it turns the dialectic “from its head onto its feet,” and what’s more, he draws a parallel between Schoenberg’s music and Hegelian Marxism: “By assimilating the direction of music from Beethoven to Brahms, Schoenberg’s music can lay claim to the legacy of classical bourgeois music much as the materialist dialectic relates back to Hegel.”Ibid., 23 and 47.

As indicated above, Adorno’s “musical material” is difficult to define. It is not raw, “physicalistic” sonorousness, independent of history and society. According to Adorno, it is more like “speech” than “the inventory of sounds.”Ibid., 31. It is “the material language of the age.”Adorno, "*Vers une musique informelle,*" 281. With respect to Viennese classicism of the late eighteenth century, the material comprises tonality, the tempered tuning system, the possibility of modulation through the complete circle of fifths, sonata form, antecedent-consequent phrasing, and so on. The more the constitutive moments of the material bear historical necessity in themselves and demand exactitude with regard to the handling of their historical implications, the more they take on the appearance of nature.Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 31. The dialectical movement Adorno has in mind is an immanent dynamic between the composing consciousness and the socially “preformed” material at their disposal, which is also an immanent dynamic between said consciousness and society in the epoch in which it is composing. In the 1934 essay “The Dialectical Composer,” Adorno writes that composition is not creatio ex nihilio; rather, the composer is to the material as Oedipus is to Sphinx—a solver of riddles whose origin is not merely subjective.Adorno, "The Dialectical Composer," in *Essays on Music*, 205. Here’s a longer excerpt that conveys what Adorno has in mind, particularly with respect to the moment of “new music”:

The exigencies of the material imposed on the subject arise…from the fact that the material is itself sedimented spirit, preformed socially by human consciousness. This objective spirit of the material, as erstwhile and self-forgotten subjectivity, has its own laws of movement. Of the same origin as the social process and ever and again laced through by its traces, what seems to be strictly the motion of the material itself moves in the same direction as does real society even where neither knows anything of the other and where each combats the other. Therefore the composers struggle with the material is a struggle with society precisely to the extent that society has migrated into the work, and as such it is not pitted against the production as something purely external and heteronomous, as against a consumer or an opponent. In immanent reciprocation, directives are constituted that the material imposes on the composer and that the composer transforms by adhering to them….He is no creator. Society and the era in which he lives constrains him not externally but in the rigorous demand for correctness made on him by the composition. The state of technique presents itself to him as a problem in every measure that he dares to think: In every measure technique as a whole demands of him that he do it justice and give the one right answer that technique in that moment permits. Compositions are nothing but such answers, nothing but the solution of technical puzzles, and the composer is the only one who knows how to decipher them and understand his music. What he does is located in the infinitely small. It is accomplished in the execution of what his music objectively demands from him. But for such obedience the composer requires all possible disobedience, all independence and spontaneity. The movement of the musical material is just that dialectical.Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*., 32--4.

Adorno’s principal example of the dialectical movement of the musical material in the emergence of twelve-tone technique or dodecaphony from free atonality in Schoenberg’s composition. An adequate account of this example involves distinguishing what Adorno says about it in “On the Social Situation” from what he says about it in Philosophy of New Music and in his Kranichstein lectures of the 50s and 60s, one of which was the basis of the famous essay on musique informelle or informal music. The interpretive situation is tricky insofar as there are clearly differences between the texts, which span four decades of ongoing thinking, but making sense of any given text requires all of them, since each deals with the same of themes in a more or less elliptical manner and thus calls for supplementation from its close cousins. As Adorno often points out in his lectures, he avoids definition, since he understands himself to be describing historical tendencies in a state of becoming. Instead, he seeks to elaborate what something means through the totality of what he says about it, asking interpreters to “take on the labor of the concept.”Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures*, 236.

Let’s begin with the prime illustration of the dialectical movement of the musical material that Adorno provides in “On the Social Situation of Music”. According to Adorno, “the productive force” that initiates the movement entails a “psychic drive…toward undisguised and inhibited expression” that is confronted by the “objective problem” of how “material that has achieved the highest technical development” (the material bequeathed to Schoenberg by Wagner and Brahms) could submit itself to such “radical expression” (398). According to Adorno, “it must surrender all alleged connections and obligations which stand in the way of freedom of movement of individual expression; these connections are the reflections of an ‘agreement’ of bourgeois society with the psyche of the individual which is now renounced by the sufferings of the individual.” In the case of the most technically advanced music Schoenberg inherited, the obligations impeding free expression are apparently the remaining obligations to the traditional diatonic system of 24 major and minor keys (tonality) that persist in Wagner’s technique of chromatic sequence and Brahms’s diatonic technique of variation—namely, the demands for what Adorno terms structural and harmonic “symmetry” and “ornamentation.” Adorno writes that in the works of the middle period of free atonality (e.g., Erwartung, Die glückliche Hand, and Sechs kleine Klavierstücke), Schoenberg uses dissonance as the “vehicle of the radical principle of expression”—as the expression of the pain of the individual vis-à-vis society—breaking down both orthodox tonality’s “tectonic symmetrical relations” and its correlative triadic harmony. As previously noted, the account is elliptical, but Adorno does mention the emancipation of counterpoint from the homophonic constraints of diatonicism, by which he apparently means (as he writes in Philosophy of New Music) that the more dissonant a chord becomes, the more the distinction between its essential and inessential (merely ornamental) notes breaks down, meaning the more all its constituent notes become equal and independent polyphonic voices.See Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 49. In Philosophy of New Music, as well as in later writing, he also describes how once subjectivizing dissonance becomes “the technical organon” of “omnipresent construction,” the technique through which the musical material is scrupulously rationalized into integral wholes, the distinction between inessential transition and essential formal elements breaks down—“in all its elements, such a music is equally near the midpoint.”Ibid., 49--50. Before moving on to the emergence of twelve-tone technique from free atonality, Adorno clarifies that designating the latter “expressionism,” with its emphasis on the moment of subjectivity, is misleading, since the process described above really is a dialectical movement where “subjective-expressive achievement” is also “the resolution of objective-material contradictions”: “every gesture with which [Schoenberg] intervenes in the material configuration is at the same time an answer to questions directed to him by the material in the form of its own immanent problems” (399).

Adorno now turns to the social significance of Schoenberg’s “esoteric” music, writing that the consequences of the handed-down material problems Schoenberg follows to their logical conclusion in the serial compositions of his third period make manifest “the problems of society that produced this material and in which the contradictions of this society are defined as technical problems” (399). Adorno notes Schoenberg’s “replacement within all his works, in spite and because of his own expressive origins, of any private fortuitousness which might have been viewed quite correctly as a type of anarchic musical production with an objective principle of order which is never imposed upon the material from the exterior, but rather extracted from the material itself and brought into a relationship with it by means of an historical process of rational transparence.” In other words, Schoenberg qua composing consciousness, in trying to overcome the repressions of conventional tonality (a problem to which he is directed by the “preformed” material he has inherited), must avoid “private fortuitousness”—the uncalculated, instinctive, arbitrary, and so ultimately unfree repetition of a note that gives the sense of a tonal center within the diatonic system—and it precisely this radical subjection of the musical material to the power of expression that extinguishes expression in the form of the twelve-tone system, where no note can be repeated until the other 11 are heard first. Put differently, “subjective criticism of instances of ornamentation and repetition leads to an objective, non-expressive structure which, in place of symmetry and repetition, determines the exclusion of repetition within the cell.”

Now Adorno offers two readings of the dynamic through which dodecaphony emerges, or rather he clarifies that this dynamic contains two moments—the moment of “the musical style of freedom” and the moment of “the reversal into unfreedom.” The latter is bit more straightforward. As Adorno puts it in the eponymous section of Philosophy of New Music, Schoenberg, in trying to overcome the heteronomy of the tonal system by following the immanent consequences of the material bequeathed to him, produces a new heteronomous dodecaphonic system. Put differently, a new system, “alien” to the individual and characterized by “administrative domination over the whole,” proceeds from the historical tendencies of the musical material that direct the composer toward radically free expression.Ibid., 67. In short, the conscious disposal over the material becomes a blind determination of the material. Here’s how Adorno, puts it, in a passage that reads like a critique of Kant’s moral philosophy:

[Twelve-tone technique] subjugates music by setting it free. The subject rules over the music by means of a rational system in order to succumb to this rational system itself….Whereas this freedom [the freedom of the composer] is achieved in its disposal over the material, it becomes a determination of the material, a determination that confronts the subject as something alien and in turn subordinates the subject to its constraints….The subject disclaims its own spontaneity by projecting onto the historical subject matter the rational experiences that it had in its confrontation with it. The operations that broke the blind domination of the sonorous material become, through a system of rules, a blind second nature. To this the subject subordinates itself in search of protection and security, despairing of being able to fulfill the music on its own. Wagner’s precept of establishing rules for oneself and then following them reveals its fateful aspect. No rule is more repressive than the one that is self-promulgated.Ibid., 54-5.

In this passage, one can clearly see why Adorno refers to Philosophy of New Music as “a detailed excursus to Dialectic of Enlightenment.”Ibid., 5. To rehearse the latter book’s argument, enlightenment or progressive rationalization (that is, the mastery of nature on the basis of fear) seeks to seize everything in its regulatory grasp, which yields not freedom but the domination of a blind second nature of pure identity—in short, the reproduction of life with fear. As Horkheimer and Adorno succinctly put it, “In the mastery of nature, without which mind does not exist, enslavement to nature persists.”Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 31. True enlightenment or enlightenment in its “positive” conception (that is, progress qua the actualization of freedom and “the elimination of fear”) can only be achieved by giving mutilated nature a voice. This requires a change in the structure of society, since the exigencies of accumulation reduce everything in human and extra-human nature into practical objects of fear-based self-preservation, into use-values that serve exchange-value.

Adorno’s later work emphasizes that there is more to Schoenberg’s dialectic of the musical material than its embodiment of the social dialectic of enlightenment, even in Philosophy of New Music. From “On the Social Situation” to his later writing, Adorno refers to the dynamic that culminates in what Schoenberg called (apparently in resistance to heteronomous systematization) “composition with twelve notes” as Musikstil der Freiheit or “musical style of freedom,” a turn of phrase coined by the Czech microtonal composer Alois Hába in 1925.Adorno, "On the Social Situation of Music," 400; Adorno, "The Prehistory of Serial Music," in *Sound Figures*, 62; Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures*, 237. In a 1961 lecture and subsequent essay on musique informelle or informal music, Adorno responds to the “aging of new music”—its reduction of the musical material to an “abstract,” “alien” order (the twelve-tone system or technique) rigidly opposed to the subject and so bereft of the subject-object dialectic that gives music the character of critical cognition and its capacity to express suffering. Adorno proposes a post-serial program of composition that clarifies what the musical style of freedom entails musically and politically. To be sure, he does not call for a return to the free atonality of the “heroic decade” of 1910–20, but rather an approach to the musical material that is akin to early Schoenberg’s precisely to the extent that it follows the historical tendencies of the material inaugurated by the postwar predominance of twelve-tone technique.

Adorno describes informal music as an “anticipation” of “utopia” that “cannot be fulfilled in the world we inhabit,” something “a little like Kant’s eternal peace”—a “concrete possibility” whose realization is doubtful.Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures*, 272. In other words, informal music is rendered as a reconciliation of freedom and planning, subject and object, particular and universal that points toward communism. In contrast to twelve-tone music—“capitulation to an invoked order” and the organization of freedom according to an “alien yardstick which mutilates everything that strives to shape itself in freedom”—informal music would entail “immanent, transparent laws that spring from freedom.”Adorno,"*Vers une musique informelle*," 292--3. According to Adorno this freedom would involve neither the rigid opposition of pure subjectivity and thing-like objectivity nor that of freedom and control:

His technical forces of production [those of the subjectivity at work in art] are the immanent function of the material; only by following the latter’s lead does he gain any power over it. By means of such a process of exteriorization, however, it receives back a universality which goes beyond the individuation of the particular producer. Labor on the work of art is always social labor. It is this that legitimates the talk of artistic rationality. Where there are grounds for asserting that a composer has composed well, such universal subjectivity will have proved itself, as will reason as a positive, a logic that goes beyond the particular by satisfying its desiderata.Ibid., 300.

If art really desires to revoke the domination of nature, and if it is concerned with a situation in which men abandon their efforts to exercise control through their intellect, they can only achieve this through the domination of nature. Only music which is control of itself would be in control of its own freedom from every compulsion, even its own. This would be on the analogy with the argument that only in a rationally organized society would the elimination of scarcity lead to the disappearance of organization as a form of oppression. In a musique informelle the deformation of rationalism which exists today would be abolished and converted to a true rationality. Only what is fully articulated in art provides the image of an unreformed and hence free humanity. The work of art which is fully articulated, thanks to its maximum control of its material, and which therefore find itself at the furthest possible remove from organic existence, is also as close to the organic as is at all possible.Ibid., 318--19.

Central to these passages is Adorno’s later understanding of “the idea of art,” and thus of the successful artwork, which will be discussed in more detail below. In line with his rendering of the “positive” concept of enlightenment and negative dialectics, this idea consists of a moment of integration, sublimation, construction, etc. (that is, exacting incorporation of layers of material into a lawful aesthetic form through uncompromising rationalization or the progressive domination of the material) as well as a moment resistance to that process.

We are now in a position to return to “On the Social Situation.” With the “Outline” and Dialectic of Enlightenment in mind, it would seem that the social significance of the emergence of serial music is simply that it instantiates the dialectic of enlightenment. Schoenberg’s music gives form to the contradictions of capitalist society precisely through the resistance to social conventions that makes it uncommunicative, to the extent that such resistance reproduces the world against which it rebels. On this reading, Schoenberg’s achievement lies in the truth of the dialectic of enlightenment revealed by his failure to immanently overcome the aporias of music as if they were technical problems with technical solutions rather than contradictions rooted in the structure of society (neither music nor philosophy, Adorno often writes, can realize itself, since they are entangled in social forces that conflict with what they desire and make them impotent).

The issue with concluding the matter here is that this account is not exactly how “On the Social Situation” describes Schoenberg’s composition with respect to the promises of the “Outline.” As it states, “Radical freedom from all objective norms imposed upon music from the exterior is coordinated with the most extreme rigidity of immanent structure, so that music by its forces eliminates at least within itself alienation as a matter of subjective formation and objective material. Music thus moves toward that for which Alois Hába coined the beautiful expression ‘musical style of freedom.’ To be sure, Adorno adds, music overcomes inward alienation only through the perfected expression thereof on its exterior” (399–400). So the example of the emergence of twelve-tone technique from free atonality is apparently supposed to reveal that the situation of music in capitalism is such that the overcoming of the hardened oppositions of subject to object and particularity to universality within the musical material intensifies music’s opposition to society and that redressing this painful impasse, where harmony takes the form of hated, ugly, and foreign discordance, would require a transformation of the relationship between musical forces and relations of production.

Adorno opposes this successful failure of the Schoenberg School, defined principally by its complete “absence of illusion,” to the composition of Stravinsky’s School, which attempts to imperiously correct the inward alienation of music without pursuing the immanent dialectic of the material, that is, by regressing to pre-bourgeois forms that are deceptively affirmed as “an original natural state of music” (403). To the extent that the goal of Stravinsky’s “objectivism” is a “musical anthropology appropriate to the being of man,” and insofar as its musical material is shaped by merely the “inclination” or “taste” of the composer and not guided by a rational relation to a “structural immanence,” a “social analogy” rooted in illusion suggests itself: “it appears that the sovereign composer stands in free control of the supposed musical organism, in much the same way that in fascism a Führerelite appears to be in control, while in truth power over the social ‘organism’ lies in the hands of monopoly capitalism” (404).

Before moving to Adorno’s self-critique of this account, it should be emphasized (if it is not already crystal clear) that the link between musical production and Marx’s hidden abode in Adorno’s oeuvre as a whole is more than a matter of superficial correspondence vis-à-vis obscurity (despite what one might be led to believe by Gillian Rose’s and Martin Jay’s general assessments of the tenuous relation between Adorno’s critical theory and Marx’s critique of political economySee Chris O'Kane, "Introduction to 'Theodor W. Adorno on Marx and the basic concepts of sociological theory': From a Seminar Transcript in the Summer Semester of 1962," in *Adorno and Marx: Negative Dialectics and the Critique of Political Economy,* ed. Werner Bonefeld and Chris O'Kane (London: Bloomsbury, 2022). The following analysis of Adorno's theory of the exchange principle is indebted to O'Kane's research.). As Adorno specifies in both the 1962 summer lecture on “Marx and the Basic Concepts of Sociological Theory” and the 1969 introduction to The Positivist Dispute, Marx’s critique, particularly with respect to the secret of surplus value lying within the shadowy sphere of production, centers on the contradictory dynamic of exchange governing bourgeois society, wherein exchange proceeds both justly and unjustly, with equality and without."Liberal theory is confronted with its own claim with regard to the act of exchange. 'You say that equivalents are exchanged, that there is a free and just exchange, I take your word, now we shall see how this turns out!' This is immanent critique. That the human [*Mensch*] becomes a commodity has been perceived by others. Marx: 'These petrified conditions must be made to dance by singing to them their own melody' ('Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's *Philosophy of Right*'). Not: to confront capitalist society with a different one, but: to ask if society conforms to its own rules, if society functions according to laws which it claims as its own. Now, Marx does not just say, no, this is wrong, but he takes the dialectic seriously and does not just flirt with its terminology. In an exchange, something is both equal and unequal; it is and at the same time is not above-board. The theory of liberalism conforms to its own concept and by conforming it also contradicts its own concept. The exchange-relation is, in reality, preformed by class relations: that there is an unequal control of the means of production: that is the heart of the theory." Adorno, "Marx and the Basic Concepts of Sociological Theory," in *Adorno and Marx: Negative Dialectics and the Critique of Political Economy, 245*. Closely linked with the concept of “identity,” Adorno’s “exchange relationship” [Tauschverhältnis] not only points to exchange-value and thus to the fungibility or equivalence of incommensurable use-values, but also to domination on both the level of capitalist class relations and that of the capitalist system as a whole. In order to grasp the concept of surplus-value, Adorno writes, one must not begin with the commodity produced by the worker but with the exchange process that is not just a matter of circulation but also of production:

The worker sells his labour-time for which he receives his equivalent. But the time he gives and the time that is needed for the reproduction of his labour-power are different….Here lies the source of surplus-value without having to consider the commodity produced. One exchanges the same for the same and simultaneously the same for the not-same. Behind this lies the entirety of class relations. Only because the worker has nothing else but his labour-power does he accept these conditions.Adorno, "Marx and the Basic Concepts of Sociological Theory," in *Adorno and Marx: Negative Dialectics and the Critique of Political Economy,* 248--9.

Put differently, exchange, Adorno writes, is an objective “mediating conceptuality” immanent to the social activity of relating of “the same with the same to the same”—i.e., “the moment of calculatory equation [founding] the difference between bourgeois society and feudalism”—which is nonetheless “preformed” by class relations (the unequal control of the means of production).Ibid., 243. He describes this mediating conceptuality not as an ordering concept under which knowing subjects subsume their objects economistically, but as an abstraction that has been endowed with a quasi-independent, quasi-objective will—a “law” produced by social subjects that nonetheless has great “power/violence” [Gewalt] over them (taking on the appearance of “fate”) precisely to the extent its origin is not consciousness but “the universal development of the exchange system itself,” a system of production for exchange fueled by the surplus-value producing labor of a dispossessed class.Adorno, *The Positivist Dispute*, 13. 80; "Marx and the Basic Concepts of Sociological Theory," 243. As Adorno writes with respect to this domination by the spectral movement of an objective abstraction that the dominated unknowingly produce, “Society obeys this conceptuality tel quel, and it provides the objectively valid model for all essential social events. This conceptuality is independent both of the consciousness of the human beings subjected to it and of the consciousness of the scientists….Nothing is more powerful than the conceptual mediation which conjures up before human beings the being-for-another as an in-itself and prevents them from becoming conscious of the conditions under which they live.”Adorno, *The Positivist Dispute*, 80--1.

So what does this have to do with Adorno’s account of the musical material in the 30s and 40s? As early as the 1940s Adorno links the exchange principle mediating capitalism as a “negative totality” (a false whole) with the dialectic of enlightenment that Schoenberg’s composition instantiates. Later, in the 1964 essay “Progress” (which is excerpted from the History and Freedom lectures), Adorno writes, “Bourgeois society created the concept of progress, and the convergence of the concept with the negation of progress originates in the principle governing society, namely the principle of exchange.”Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 170--1. The bourgeois “pretext” of equal or fair exchange—“the rational form of mythical ever-sameness” which, as noted above, Adorno calls identity—implies the stasis of social actions cancelling each other out. According to Adorno, progress originates in the fact that fair exchange is a lie, that “the justice that amounts to a repetition of sameness is unmasked as injustice and perpetual inequality.” But progress cannot realize the demand of true equality or identity inherent in the exchange principle inasmuch as the stasis of the lie of equality is constitutive of capitalism. As Adorno puts it in Notes to Literature, “As long as equality reigns as law, the individual is cheated of equality.”Adorno, "On the Classicism on Goethe's *Iphigenie*," in *Notes to Literature*, vol. 2, trans. Shierry Weber Nicholson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 165. In other words, so long as the lie of fair exchange persists as law in the appropriation of surplus-value, the pursuit of equality will reproduce inequality. If the exchange principle were abstractly denied without structural change, Adorno adds in Negative Dialectics, it would mean “the recidivism of ancient injustice”: that is, “the rationality which is inherent in the exchange principle—as ideology, of course, but also as a promise—would give way to direct appropriation, to force, and nowadays to the naked privilege of monopolies and cliques.”"On the Dialectics of Identity," in Adorno, *Negative Dialectics*, 146--7. The only answer to the problem is the actualization of the unfulfilled promise in the law of equality, that is, the latter’s abolition—the rationalization of society that eliminates the necessity of scarcity which compels workers to exchange their labor-power for wages. In sum, then, Adorno’s account of musical production via the dialectical musical material of Schoenberg’s composition—where the rationalization of nature in accordance with the principle of identity reproduces the life of fear, or the domination of nature, which it seeks to overcome—instantiates the same principle of exchange that animates Marx’s hidden abode.Also see Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music*, 41--2: "Society as it exists cannot unfold from its own principle but must amalgamate with precapitalist, archaic ones. If it were to realize its own principle without \"noncapitalist\" admixtures heterogeneous to it, it would be voiding itself. In a society that has been functionalized virtually through and through, totally ruled by the exchange principle, lack of function comes to be a secondary function. In the function of functionlessness, truth and ideology entwine. What results from it is the autonomy of the work of art itself: in the context of social effects, the man-made in-itself of a work that will not sell out to that context promises something that would exist without defacement by the universal profit. That something is nature. At the same time, however, profit takes the functionless into its service and thereby degrades it to meaninglessness and irrelevancy. The exploitation of something useless in itself, something sealed and superfluous to the people on whom it is foisted---this is the ground of the fetishism that covers all cultural commodities, and the musical ones in particular. It is tuned to conformism." In other words, not only does the total social process appear “conceptlessly” (rather than “photographically”) in Schoenberg’s composition, but the latter seems, in ways that are still not entirely clear, to “take a position on society” by giving form negatively to the reconciliation it cannot offer.Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music,* 209 and 215

* * *

We are now in a position to investigate Adorno’s self-critique of this initial presentation of musical materialism, which is to say, the mediation of music and society. In his “Postscript” to The Introduction to the Sociology of Music, which follows a dazzling final chapter on “Mediation,” Adorno writes, “The social question about the relation of productive forces and relations of production can be applied to musical sociology without doing violence to it.”Ibid., 219. The musical forces and relations of production do not merely oppose each other, Adorno emphasizes, but interact reciprocally, meaning public taste can be shaped by musical productions just as relations of production can shackle the forces of production (as in the case of the compulsion to adjust to market pressures and suppress what the artistic material demands). According to Adorno, when the relations of production gain primacy over the forces of production, as they do in late capitalism, music is ideological. Echoing ideas developed in the 1968 essay “Industrial Society or Late Capitalism?,” Adorno adds that historically relations of production have not only fettered forces of production but also enhanced them. Indeed, Adorno continues:

Antitraditionalist qualities…were as much elicited by the bourgeois music market as they later were socially limited in the course of the historical dialectic to which the bourgeoisie itself was subject, and finally revoked under totalitarian regimes. Even the autonomy of great music, the means of its most emphatic opposition to the dictates of the marketplace, would hardly have evolved otherwise than via the marketplace. Musical forms, even constitutive modes of musical reaction, are internalizations of social forms. Like all art, music is as much a social fact as an inner self-shaping, a self-liberation from immediate social desiderata. The freedom of art, its independence of the demands made on it, is founded on the idea of a free society and in a sense anticipates its realization. (221)

It is at this point that Adorno launches his self-critique, in a footnote appended to “the sphere of production” in the first sentence of the following paragraph:

This is why the sphere of production is not simply a basis for musical sociology as the sphere of production is a basis for the process of material living. As a matter of the mind, musical production is itself socially mediated, not something immediate. Strictly speaking, the only part of it that is a productive force is the spontaneity that is inseparable from the mediations. From the social point of view it would be the force that exceeds mere repetition of the relations of production as represented by types and species. Such spontaneity may harmonize with the social trend, as in the young Beethoven or in Schuberts songs; or it may offer resistance, as Bach and again the new music of today do, to submission of the market. The question to be raised is this: How is musical spontaneity socially possible at all? For it always contains social productive forces whose real forms society has not yet absorbed.Ibid., 221--222.

The footnote reads:

The writers error in his essay “Zur gesellschaftlichen Lage der Musik,” published in 1932 in Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung, was his fiat identification of the concept of musical production with the precedence of the economic sphere of production, without considering how far that which we call [musical] production already presupposes social production and depends on it as much as it is sundered from it. This alone has kept the writer from reissuing that essay, the draft of a finished musical sociology.

Analyses of this material by Max Paddison and Gillian Rose provide crucial introductions to key terms and germane sources.Paddison, *Adorno's Aesthetics of Music*, 121--128; Rose, *The Melancholy Science* (London: Verso, 2013)***,*** 153--156. Both also register the elusiveness of Adorno’s self-critique. Indeed, Rose (to whom Paddison refers perplexed readers in an endnote) seems somewhat flummoxed herself, offering a rather cursory treatment that, in lieu of setting the riddle in motion, repeatedly refers to it as “odd” and leaves it mired in mystery. But despite the slipperiness of the self-critique, it clearly does not sanction insinuation that Adorno’s reluctance to republish his 1932 essay stems from a turn away from the theoretical and political tradition represented by Marx, Engels, and Lenin.Günter Mayer, "Eisler and Adorno," in *Hanns Eisler: A Miscellany*, ed. David Blake (Harwood Academic Publishers, 1995), 136. To the contrary, the self-critique is part of an ongoing process of refining a materialist dialectic of theory and praxis for the sake of communism.

Considering the footnote in isolation from its wider contexts, the problem seems to be a relatively straightforward one (straightforward, that is, if one could in fact find evidence of the crime in “On the Social Situation of Music”). Adorno’s footnote is concerned with his portrayal of the relationship between a special sphere of musical production that made itself independent from the sphere of production in general. This concern appears to involve the representation of the relationship between matter and mind, society and spirit, infrastructure and superstructure. The crime seems to lie principally in “identification.” As early as the introduction to Philosophy of New Music, Adorno explicitly repudiates procedures “enmeshed with the inclination to takes side with the whole” and writes that a dialectical method that is faithful to Marxism (that is, one “turned from its head onto its feet”) cannot “[treat] particular phenomena as illustrations of examples of something preexisting and exempt from the movement of the concept.”Adorno, *Philosophy of New Music*, 23. In a great many later texts, he elaborates further: often citing Marx’s contention that superstructure and base do not move in tandem, he writes that to entirely reduce cultural production to the social production of goods in general, and thus to reduce cultural products to ideology, amounts not only to an untruth on par with the absolutizing of art’s independence from the laws governing commodity production for the marketplace, but also to a redoubling of the naturalizing domination of the capitalist system, an affirmation of the impossibility of escaping “the almighty production process.”**"**Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," 7--8; Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 162-3 "Baby with the bathwater," in Adorno, *Minima Moralia*; "Cultural Criticism and Society," in Adorno, *Prisms*, trans. Samuel and Shierry Weber (Cambridge: MIT Press,1982); *Introduction to Sociology*, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000.) As Adorno puts it in “Late Capitalism or Industrial Society?”: “Dialectical theory that reflects on itself critically may not make itself at home in the medium of the universal. To break out of that medium is indeed its intention.”Adorno, "Late Capitalism or Industrial Society?," in *Can One Live after* Auschwitz, 113. In sum, then, it would seem that Adorno believes his early “draft” to be guilty of an insufficiently dialectical Marxism, one that fails to do justice to the moment of critical self-reflexivity that, as the “Outline” of “On the Social Situation” emphasizes, is constitutive of successful art despite its inexorably ideological character as semblance.

This reading would be satisfying if Adorno did not appear to already acknowledge this issue in “On the Social Situation of Music,” writing in the opening pages that the relation between music and society is “problematic in all its aspects”:

If the immanent development of music were established as an absolute—as the mere reflection of the social process—the only result would be a sanction of the fetish character of music which is the major difficulty and most basic problem to be represented by music today. On the other hand, it is clear that music is not to be measured in terms of the existing society of which it is the product and which, at the same time, keeps music in a state of isolation. It is the prerequisite of every historical-materialistic method which hopes to be more than a mere exercise in “intellectual history” that under no conditions is music to be understood as a “spiritual” phenomenon, abstract and far-removed from actual social conditions, which can anticipate through its imagery any desire for social change independently from the empirical realization thereof. It thus becomes obvious that the relation of present-day music and society is problematic in all its aspects. (393)

In any case, as will soon be made very clear, it would be a mistake to infer from the initial moment of my interpretation that Adorno simply equates truth with nonidentity; such an inference would misrepresent how negative dialectics critiques Hegel’s speculative philosophy. As Adorno writes at the conclusion of Against Epistemology, “Idealism is not simply untruth. It is truth in its untruth.”Adorno, Against *Epistemology: A Metacritique*, trans. Willis Domingo (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), 234.

The word “precedence” in Adorno’s self-critique jumps out as affording an opportunity for additional clarification. Adorno believes the crime of the identification musical and material production has something to do with the “precedence” of the latter. But from Introduction to the Sociology of Music to his final works, Adorno insists that a sociology of music that delivers on its promises to provide “an insight into [the] essential relation [of musical phenomena] to real society” must prioritize the production of art, meaning the issue of “precedence” referenced in the footnote is not one concerning the precedence of musical production over distribution and consumption, that is, impact or reception.Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music,*194. In justifying the priority of production over the other domains of musical activity, Adorno writes the following in the concluding “Mediation” chapter of Introduction of the Sociology of Music: “Interlock­ing in this precedence are the crucial moments for the social dialectic as a whole: human labor, the means by which life is maintained all the way into the utmost sublimations, and the fact that some men dispose of other mens labor, as the schema of domination.”Ibid., 198*.*

Turning to the footnote’s broader contexts, Adorno also seems to be claiming that he failed in his early essay to clarify the development of the musical forces of production are mediated by the relations of production. This claim points to a radical political program opposed to the fetishization of production characteristic of Stalinism. The idea behind such opposition appears to be that a truly emancipated society would not be one liberated from the relations of production in order to freely develop the forces of production but one liberated from the compulsion to develop the forces of production, since the ground of that compulsion is the relations of the production, that is, surplus-value producing class domination. As Adorno writes in Minima Moralia, in one of his more fleshed-out, positive speculations about communism, “Perhaps the true society will grow tired of development and, out of freedom, leave possibilities unused.”Adorno, *Minima Moralia*, 156. In the History and Freedom lectures, Adorno goes so far as to say that the concrete possibility of fulfillment for all humans has never been a function of the forces of production, meaning that the opportunity of “making a leap forward,” of “doing things differently,” of “a sensible organization of mankind” was probably also available when “social conditions were incomparably more modest,” that such an opportunity in fact “always existed, even in periods when productivity was far less developed.”Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 67--8.

A final element of the self-critique, related to the problem of the identification of musical production with the social production of goods in general, is the paradox of the social mediation of spontaneity. The category of spontaneity plays a prominent role in Adorno’s late work with respect to the relationship between theory and praxis (including the critique of student “actionism” for which Marcuse virtuosically excoriated Adorno). According to Adorno, praxis most certainly requires theory, lest the former render itself blind and oppressive; but correct theory alone is not adequate to correct praxis—as suggested above, Adorno views the immediate translation of theory into praxis as emblematic of capitalism’s demand for functional positivities.See "Critique," in Adorno, *Critical Models*. Adorno writes that praxis requires an additional factor beyond the activity of the intellect, an “irrational,” “somatic” factor “alien” to theory: spontaneity.

To illustrate what he means by spontaneity—specifically, how it entails “refusing to be a part of the prevailing evil, a refusal that always implies resisting something stronger and hence always contains an element of despair”—Adorno repeatedly recalls the bomb plot of July 20, 1944 against Hitler. After returning from exile, Adorno met with some of the survivors of the plot, including Fabian von Schlabrendorff, who was tortured and sent to several concentration camps for his role in the conspiracy. In his 1963 Problems of Moral Philosophy lectures and the 1964–5 History and Freedom lectures, Adorno remarks that upon asking Schlabrendorff how it was possible for him to take action given that it was “a seemingly absurd enterprise” (given that the chances of success were slim and that he likely faced a fate worse than death), the latter replied (in Adorno’s paraphrase) that “there are situations that are so intolerable that one just cannot continue to put up with them, no matter what may happen and no matter what may happen to oneself in the course of the attempt to change them.”Adorno, *Problems of Moral Philosophy*, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 8; *History and Freedom*, 240. A 1948 letter to Marcuse may offer several additional illustrations of spontaneity to put in dialogue with the July 20^th^ plot:

Of course [the doctrine of the victim’s freedom in the hands of the executioner] is the old untruth—but I wonder whether, precisely in the face of absolute horror, a trace of truth is not revealed in it? Doesn’t the practice of the qualitative leap always have an aspect of hopelessness when it is undertaken? Doesn’t it really depend on the woman who, as Kogon reports, snatched the revolver from the Nazi in front of the Auschwitz furnace, shot him down and was shot herself? I have a vague feeling that when the powerless minority seized power in 1917, without a ‘mass base,’ without the backing of the world spirit, it looked just as absurd, and that the world spirit was precisely therein.Adorno, Letter to Herbert Marcuse, Los Angeles, June 25, 1948, in *Theodor W. Adorno Max Horkheimer Briefwechsel* Bd. III: 1945--1949 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2005), 428--429.

According to Adorno, spontaneity is an irrational impulse of resistance in the face of intolerable conditions. But although it exceeds the purview of rationality, it presupposes theory: “[Schlabrendorff] knew perfectly well how evil, how horrifying this Third Reich was, and it was because of his critical and theoretical insight into the lies and the crimes that he had to deal with that he was brought to the point of action.”Adorno, *Problems of Moral Philosophy*, 8*.* Another way Adorno puts this is that spontaneity is a dialectic of rationality and mimesis, a movement between the rationalizing ego and archaic, involuntary reactions repressed by the ego as it obtains control over itself and nature.Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 213. He substantiates this claim in part via Marx, in a passage that culminates with the definition of spontaneity as “the organ or medium of freedom”:

The spontaneous action that Marx ascribes to the proletariat is supposed on the one hand to be an autonomous, free, rational form of action, action on the basis of a known and comprehensible theory. At the same time, however, it contains an irreducible element, the element of immediate action that does not entirely fit into the factor that theoretically determines it; and, above all, it does not fit smoothly into the determining factors of history. On the contrary, even though it is determined by these, it seems to be a way leading out of them—in extreme contrast to all mechanistic interpretations of the course of history….Thus, to sum up this part of the argument, the concept of spontaneity, which might be described as the organ or medium of freedom, refuses to obey the logic of non-contradiction, and is instead a unity of mutually contradictory elements.Ibid., 216.

Interestingly, Adorno, in his later attempts to refine his dialectic of the musical material, refers to the successful artwork as a dialectic of rationality and mimesis. In this dialectic, “mimesis,” Adorno emphasizes, does not refer to imitation or mimicry in any straightforward sense—it is not imitation of an object but an imitative impulse or attitude that seeks to reestablish “a relationship of similarity and thus kinship” between subject and object. This mimetic relationship stands opposed to “the antithetical separation of the two elements” that can be seen in the progressive rationalization of enlightenment, freedom won by the cleavage of the human from the threat of nature and the latter’s reduction to an object of action, the capitalist exchange principle, and so on.Adorno, *Aesthetics,* 42. In short, music gives voice to suffering, to that which resists rationalization, to “an aspect that is left over from an otherwise tamed nature,”Ibid., 49. precisely through unwavering rational mastery:

Art is the dialectic between the form-creating principle of rationality and the mimetic impulse. Art assists the latter to fulfill itself by means of techniques and rational procedures. It represents suppressed nature solely by virtue of everything it has developed in the course of the domination of nature. If, instead of carrying through the logic of dialectic, art opts programmatically for one side or the other, it becomes null and void.Adorno, "Form in New Music," trans. Rodney Livingstone, *Music Analysis* 27/ii--iii (2008): 209.

There can be no doubt that the history of music exhibits a progressive process of rationalization. Its different stages are the Guidonian reforms, the introduction of mensural notation, the invention of continuo and of equal temperament, and finally the trend to integral musical construction, which has advanced irresistibly since the time of Bach and has now reached an extreme. But rationalization—which is inseparable from the historical process of the bourgeoisificaiton of music—represents only one of the social features of music, just as rationality itself, Enlightenment, is no more than one aspect of the history of a society that is still developing in an irrational and ’natural manner even today. Within the global development in which music shared in the progressive emergence of rationality, music at the same time always remained the voice of all who fell by the wayside or were sacrificed on the altar of the rational. This defines the central social contradiction of music, and by the same token it also formulates the tension that has driven musical productivity hitherto. By virtue of its basic material, music is the art in which the prerational, mimetic impulses ineluctably find their voice, as they enter into a pact with the processes leading to the progressive domination of matter and nature. This is the material to which music owes its ability to transcend the business of mere self-preservation, an ability that led Schopenhauer to define it as the immediate objectification of the will, and to place it at the apex of the hierarchy of the arts. If anywhere, it is in music that art rises above the mere repetition of what just happens anyway….[The irrationality administered by the culture industry] constitutes a parody of the protest against the dominance of the concept of classification, a protest of which music is uniquely capable when, as with all the great composers since Monteverdi, it subjects itself to the discipline of the rational. Only by virtue of such rationality can it transcend rationality.Adorno, "Some Ideas on the Sociology of Music," 7.

With respect to the question of quality or dignity, and bespeaking Dialectic of Enlightenment and Negative Dialectics, Adorno describes the artwork’s moment of rationality in terms of integration and its mimetic moment in terms of resistance to that integration, such that “in artworks, the criterion of success is twofold: whether they succeed in integrating layers of material and details into their immanent law form [what Adorno usually sums up as semblance] and in this integration at the same time maintain what resists it and the fissures that occur in the process of integration. Integration as such does not assure quality.”Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 7. This resonates closely with *Negative Dialectics*, 5: "What we differentiate will appear divergent, dissonant, negative for just as long as the structure of our consciousness obliges it to strive for unity: as long as its demand for totality will be its measure for whatever is not identical with it." For Adorno, therefore, the quality, success, or dignity of an artwork does not lie in the effect of the work upon the listener but rather in the development of the dialectic of rationality and mimesis, of integration and resistance, of semblance and truth-content, at the level of the musical material.

Despite young Adorno’s criticisms of Hanns Eisler, quality is not simply a matter of progressive rationalization or integration. Indeed, Adorno never gives Schoenberg’s composition a prominent place in his aesthetics simply because the musical means are more advanced than those of Schoenberg’s contemporaries. The fact that one might surmise this from “On the Social Situation of Music” is perhaps another source of Adorno’s reticence to reissue the early essay. In his later works especially, Adorno speaks of the dubiousness of technical progress and emphasizes a point “made with great force by Hegel in his aesthetics,” that there is no direct relationship between the progressive mastery of the material of art and the quality of particular works, meaning that one cannot simply say one composition is better than another by virtue of the degree of formal mastery.Adorno, *History and Freedom*, 164--67. As Adorno writes: “Only blindness could deny the aesthetic means gained in painting from Giotto and Cimabue to Piero della Francesca; however, to conclude that Pieros paintings are therefore better than the frescos of Assisi would be schoolmarmish. Whereas with regard to a particular work the question of quality can be posed and decided, and whereas relations are thereby indeed implicit in the judgment of various works, such judgments become art-alien pedantry as soon as comparison is made under the heading of ‘better than.’ ”Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 211. According to Adorno, one paradox of the philosophy of art history is that works where the control of the artistic material has not yet advanced can have a higher truth-content and thus a higher quality than more advanced ones but that once advances have been made, a rubicon is crossed, meaning any attempt to forego these advanced techniques in the pursuit of higher quality cannot succeed—for example, the discovery of perspective does not make the paintings of the Renaissance intrinsically superior to the works that preceded them, but if the gold background had been defended against the introduction of perspective, that would have been not only reactionary but objectively untrue, since “it would have been contrary to what its own logic called for.”Adorno, *The New Music Kranichstein Lectures*, 240.

Rather than a matter strictly of rationalization, quality, Adorno claims over and over again, is “essentially related with the structure’s own social truth-content.”Adorno, *Introduction to the Sociology of Music,* 197 and 215. In fact, truth-content is the principal criterion when it comes to judging artworks:

Progress is not only that of the domination of material and spiritualization but also the progress of spirit in Hegels sense of the consciousness of freedom. Whether the domination of the material in Beethoven goes beyond that in Bach can be disputed endlessly; with regard to various dimen­sions, each had superior mastery of the material. Although the question of whom to rank higher is idle, the same cannot be said of the insight that the voice of the maturity of the subject, the emancipation from and reconciliation with myth—that is, the truth-content—reached a higher development in Beethoven than in Bach. This criterion surpasses all others.Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 212.

Before addressing the meat of this quotation, let me first note that Adorno on several occasions speaks of truth-content with respect to Beethoven’s adagios in the final “Paralipomena” section of Aesthetic Theory, providing some of the unfinished work’s very few examples. With respect to the ascending introduction to the second theme of the Tempest sonata’s slow movement, for instance, he writes of “what is overwhelming in Beethoven’s music and that could be called the spirit of his music: hope, with an authenticity that—as something that appears aesthetically—it bears even beyond aesthetic semblance.” His argument appears to be that the “transcendent” character of the second theme is mediated by the configuration of the thematic elements into an aesthetic form—since the atmospheric first thematic complex that precedes the second theme “awaits an event that only becomes an event against the foil of this mood” and thus is essential to the latter’s double character as “reconciliation” and “promise”—but such transcendence is not immanent to the configuration or its elements. Hence his culminating claim: “In the authentic artwork, what is dominated—which finds expression by way of the dominating principle—is the counterpoint to the domination of what is natural or material. This dialectical relationship results in the truth-content of artworks.”Ibid., 284--5:

A related example of truth-content that Adorno mentions in the Aesthetic Theory “Paralipomena” section is the D-flat major passage from the adagio of the op. 59, no. 1 quartet. In his sketches for an unfinished book on Beethoven, he speaks of that passage much like the second theme of the Tempest. The example is meant to establish how Beethoven’s music is like Hegel’s philosophy but truer, how “it is informed by the conviction that the self-reproduction of society as a self-identical entity is not enough, indeed that is it false.” As Adorno continues, “Logical identity as immanent to form…is both constituted and criticized by Beethoven. Its seal of truth in Beethoven’s music lies in its suspension: through transcending it, form takes on its true meaning. This formal transcendence…is a representation…of hope.” How does the D-flat major passage illustrate all this? According to Adorno, “This passage appears superfluous since it comes after a quasi-retransition, after which the recapitulation is expected to follow immediately. But when the recapitulation fails to appear it is made clear that formal identity is insufficient, manifesting itself as true only at the moment when it, as the real, is opposed by the possible which lies outside identity. The Db major theme is new: it is not reducible to the economy of motivic unity.”Adorno, *Aesthetic Theory*, 277; Adorno, *Beethoven: The Philosophy of Music*, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002), 14.

As these examples clarify, the truth-content that emerges from the dialectic of rationality and mimesis—truth-content qua “the emancipation from and reconciliation with myth”—points to negative dialectics qua a critique of Hegel’s philosophy of identity (the anamnesis of the violence in the thought that carries out the identificationAdorno, *Lectures on Negative Dialectics*, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge: Polity, 2008), 30.) and Adorno and Horkheimer’s “positive” concept of enlightenment (a moment of critical self-reflexivity that gives voice to what progressive rationalization represses as it attempts to free itself from what it fearsHorkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 29--34.). It also betokens the exchange principle described in the previous section. As Adorno writes in his Beethoven book sketches, wholeness and so semblance mean fungibility in the sense that “no individual thing exists ‘in itself,’ and everything is only in relation to the whole”; and “the truth or untruth of [bourgeois music] can be determined from the question of fungibility”—“how can a whole exist without doing violence to the individual part?”—a question with “both a progressive and a regressive tendency” and whose difficulty grows with the development of the productive forces of music.Adorno, *Beethoven*, 34--5. In sum, then, music’s quality and thus its truth-content depend, first, on liberation from myth or nature through the technical progress cum exchange principle that endows music with its semblance character (the appearance that it constitutes an integrated, sui generis reality) and, second, on a mimetic reconciliation with that which liberation represses and mutilates, a reconciliation that convicts the first moment on which it depends of its dubiousness. As the Beethoven examples make exceedingly clear, there are thus two moments for Adorno when it comes to social truth: the moment of identity (that is, the moment of the encounter with the totality governed by the exchange relationship) is a prerequisite of the moment of nonidentity (that is, the moment of the recollection of the totality’s falsity). To miss the centrality of the former is to miss what is distinctively Marxist about Adorno’s dialectics, that it is an attempt to think the capitalist totality without throwing out “the baby with the bath-water,” without foreclosing the possibility of communism.

Now it is perhaps clear what Adorno believes he failed to adequately articulate in his initial exposition of the dialectic of the musical material: that is, an account of the spontaneous truth-content that exceeds the illusion of technical integration even as it is mediated by it. To recap, through the composer’s stringent adherence to the demands of the socially “preformed” musical material (that is, through the attempt to master this material totally), the consequent composition gives voice to that which resists and destabilizes this process of rationalization and integration, revealing the wholeness of the work qua semblance to be false. In other words, such music makes manifest not only the guilt of art’s semblance character but also an aspect of semblance that is more than semblance—the truth of the suffering of all that falls victim to the social process of rationalization of which art’s autonomy is a part. It thus becomes “the organ or medium of freedom” in ways that point to communist politics. First off, it anticipates utopia in the specific sense of a rationally planned communist society that makes possible universal freedom insofar as it eliminates the fateful, irrational compulsion of privation on which accumulation is based without repressing the nonidentical. Second, it offers intimations of the bridging of the gap between theory and praxis, embodying “the qualitative leap,” the situation where what is determined by history nonetheless escapes determination, a nonrepressive practice that rejects the polarized alternatives of organization and freedom, a glimpse of life without fear that transcends the business of mere self-preservation, and so on. In sum, then, precisely in the failure of the artwork to fulfill its promise of happiness—“in the necessary failure of the passionate striving for identity,” for unity between “form and content, inside and outside, individual and society”Horkheimer and Adorno, *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, 103.—the artwork does justice to its promise in an eminently concrete fashion, not simply giving expression to the truth of the social inexorability of suffering with which any politics adequate to “right life” must begin but also modeling a truly free society, a rationally organized collectivity that is not antithetical to heterogeneity.

Only in light of all this does Adorno’s commitment to theory as a communist politics, articulated already in “On the Social Situation,” make any sense. As Adorno wrote in a 1934 letter to Hans Redlich:

But since I am aware of no revolution that has any form other than logical consistency, that is to say, none that has ever emancipated itself from its basis in history, and since absolutely every other procedure, every other ostensibly more radical venture that starts from scratch, takes the form of a bad utopia and for the most part simply represents a backsliding into conditions of production whose substance cannot be recreated out of pure immediacy, I am compelled to stick with logical consistency until an inconsistency makes its appearance whose own truth-content proves to be genuine.Claussen, 157.

And only with all this in mind can one sense a strange, feeble light in the tragic, sable circumstances of Adorno’s untimely death, the cause of which is often portrayed not simply as a heart attack but as heartbreak from the conflict with his students, a political failure that has cast a shadow over his life’s work. For this irony (wherein Adorno came to be seen as the police-state authoritarian against which he always inveighed) entails another. Through his efforts to discredit his students, Adorno, much like the dialectical composer at the heart of his critical theory of music, develops an account of spontaneity congenial to their aims. “Reason is a poor ally of reaction,” Horkheimer writes in 1939 with respect to Hegel.Max Horkheimer, "The Social Function of Philosophy," in *Critical Theory: Selected Essays*, trans. Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Continuum, 1972), 271. Hence, in Adorno’s attempt to construct a consistent account of theory’s monopoly on the preservation of praxis in the non-revolutionary moment of the mid-twentieth century, he (despite himself) again and again gives voice to an incongruous philosophy of spontaneity adequate to his students’ cause, inspiring them to undertake their own absurd attempt before the furnace, to fearlessly reach, however ineffectually, for life without fear.In "Marginalia to Theory and Praxis," 274--5, Adorno tries to deny the link between his students and the July 20^th^ conspirators. He reiterates the point in a May 5, 1969 letter to Marcuse on the student opposition. In short, he argues not simply that the situation of the late 60s (especially the war against the Vietcong) is not as terrible as the murder of the European Jewry, but that those who lived through the latter (namely, he and Marcuse) withstood that more terrible situation without proceeding to blocked praxis, evidently because of "bourgeois coldness," without which "one could not live" in capitalist society. Hence his "blunt" response to Marcuse: "I think you are deluding yourself in being unable to go on without participating in the student stunts." Or as he puts it in "Marginalia to Theory and Praxis," "In the security of America an emigrant could endure the news of Auschwitz; it would be difficult to believe that Vietnam is robbing anyone of sleep." Whether or not the denial holds water---and in the *Negative Dialectics* lectures of 1965, Adorno calls Vietnam a repetition of Auschwitz "in another guise"---his rebuttal seems to acknowledge a rhyme between the various examples of spontaneity to which he refers in his lectures and his students' actions. Adorno, *Lectures on Negative Dialectics*, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge: Polity, 2008), 19. It is also worth noting Angela Davis's recollection of Adorno's teaching: "In Frankfurt, we had many conversations about the value of Adorno's work that also helped us to develop an immanent critique of his stand with respect to activism." Angela Davis, "Bridging Theory and Practice: An Interview with Angela Davis," interview by Erin Hagood and Duyminh Tran, *Platypus Review*, Dec 7, 2001, <https://platypus1917.org/2021/07/03/bridging-theory-and-practice-an-interview-with-angela-davis/>.

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